Mike isn't acquiescing to Freedom-Hater-care, but what he is doing is problematic

So says Patrick Brennan at NRO:

Pence wants to use federal funding to expand an altered form of Healthy Indiana, a program the state’s run since 2008 for people with incomes up to 200 percent of the poverty level. Pence isn’t really “expanding Medicaid,” and the Obama administration can’t really claim that he’s going along with the law — he’s trying to bend it as much as possible.

But that doesn’t mean what he’s doing is a great idea, because there’s only so much he can bend it. Healthy Indiana was praised by many conservatives butcriticized by others, and now Pence’s proposal both supersizes it and waters down in order to have a chance at approval from federal health-care bureaucrats. What did he have to do to it?

A brief explanation of the original Healthy Indiana (“HIP”) program: Everyone earning under 200 percent of the poverty line not already eligible for Medicaid could apply, though the number of spots were limited. HIP enrollees to make contributions between 2 and 5 percent of income every month to a health-savings account, called POWER, which the state would subsidize so that the contributions equaled $1,100 each year. The deductible for their plan was equivalent to that, $1,100, after which they had catastrophic coverage paid at Medicare (not Medicaid) rates. Preventative care was totally free — which is a good thing for the unhealthy population Medicaid serves — and were required if enrollees wanted to roll over their HSA contributions from year to year. (A good simple explanation of the program can be found in this FAQ.)

Before the ACA, lots of states around the country chose, like Indiana, to expand Medicaid beyond its standard federal eligibility categories with their own funds, but HIP was probably the most conservative and most consumer-driven.  It certainly was much better than ordinary Medicaid: It required contributions from the enrollees and incentivized them to use the right care and avoid the emergency room, while ordinary Medicaid has almost no cost-sharing at all. It also got them much better access to care because its reimbursement rates were much higher than standard Medicaid’s. It was expensive — more expensive than expected — but getting health insurance for poor Americans is never going to be cheap. It was extremely popular, and though health outcomes weren’t yet clear, preventative care use was up and emergency-room use was down versus normal Medicaid.

But in order to get a waiver to spend the money on offer from the ACA Medicaid expansion — which would allow Indiana to provide the program to a lot more citizens who were eligible — Pence had to change the program to make it more comprehensive and more generous. Here’s where the problem comes in: Critics of Pence say he’s changed the program so much as to make it unrecognizable, a terrible idea, and basically just any old Medicaid expansion.

They’re wrong: It still is fundamentally consumer-driven in a way ordinary Medicaid is not; it should work a lot better for people’s health than ordinary Medicaid; and it’s a clear rejection of the one-size-fits-all approach of Obamacare.

That doesn’t mean it’s a great idea, though. The standard insurance under HIP 2.0 is much more comprehensive than it had been, more in line with Obamacare’s exchange plans, and even including vision and dental. This may sound nice, but it raises the costs of the program a lot.

And other problems lurk:

Pence’s plan offers, besides HIP 2.0 and HIP Basic, a third option, called HIP Link, that will use the HSA contributions to subsidize premiums for those under 138 percent of the federal poverty line who have access to employer plans. John Daniel Davidson at the Federalist worry that this specifically means the plan will “crowd out” private insurance. I don’t really see how this is the case — HIP Link will subsidize people earning up to 138 percent of the poverty enrolling in the employer plans that most of them can’t currently afford and don’t buy. Three smart health analysts at Forbes argue that the expansion encourages crowdout in part because it will put people earning 100–138 percent of the poverty level into this program and make them ineligible for the exchanges, but the exchanges are incredibly subsidized and highly regulated for these people anyway. It’s true HIP 2.0 is more generous than the existing HIP and will accept people with access to private insurance (HIP wouldn’t), so it’s possible some people will choose it rather than employer insurance they have now. But only 17 percent of HIP-eligible Indianans do have private insurance.

There are concerns for fiscal conservatives: A certain percentage of HIP 2.0 claims costs, the administrative costs of transitioning current HIP enrollees to HIP 2.0 and registering hundreds of thousands of new enrollees, paying for HIP Link — those are all costs Indiana has to pay with its own revenues rather than federal grants (it has a plan to do so). Davidson also worries that people will stay on HIP 2.0 rather than move to private insurance because they’ll lose the money in the HSA if they leave. This isn’t quite right, because they’ll get their own contributions back in cash, so it’s just moving from a heavily subsidized public plan to private insurance — which few of them can afford to do until they earn too much to be eligible for HIP anyway. 

Is your head swimming now?  That leads us to Brennan's overall point:  "[H]e’s trying to be the best federalist he can in the age of Obama."