Thursday, April 28, 2016

Delivered in (mostly) complete sentences, but still the same old Squirrel-Hair

Noah Rothman at Commentary invites us to look at the inconsistency with which Trump's foreign-policy address is riddled:

There were a number of references to the old pre-World War II Isolationist movement slogan “America First,” denunciations of the “false song of globalism,” whatever that means, and the assertion that Americans “feel they come second to the citizens of a foreign country.” This brand of paranoid nationalism was intermingled with pledges to transform the world’s only superpower and the world’s preeminent defender of democracy into history’s most powerful protection racket. But what was most striking, and also revealing about why this campaign cannot ever be retooled into something broadly palatable to traditional Republican policy experts, is how replete the speech was with contradictions. Trump has made such a hash of his worldview that there will never be any way to reconcile some of his most cherished policy preferences with others.
Trump began this foray into fatuousness with a nod to the “greatest generation” that “beat back the Nazis and Japanese imperialists” and “saved the world.” But within a handful of sentences, he repudiated their greatest work: the creation of what we refer to today as the Western world. He engaged in this ill-advised bloviating amid an attempt to attack America’s approach to post-September 11 counter-terrorism efforts. “It all began with a dangerous idea that we could make western democracies out of countries that had no experience or interests in becoming a western democracy,” he noted. These same tired and debunked ideas were said to apply to the alien Japanese pre-War culture and a Germany that had only ever known Prussian militarism. These were not democracies; how could we be so prideful as to think we could remake them in our own image? And yet, after much sacrifice and decades of commitment, that was what was done.
“Our allies are not paying their fair share,” Trump threateningly implied, “and I’ve been talking about this recently a lot. Our allies must contribute toward their financial, political, and human costs, have to do it, of our tremendous security burden.” He added that the United States “must be prepared to let these countries defend themselves.”
Trump noted that only four of America’s NATO allies meet the requisite goal of spending the equivalent of 2 percent of GDP on defense – as of 2015, the number was actually five: the United States, the United Kingdom, Greece, Poland, and Estonia. Trump doesn’t seem to have given much thought to the fact that those are nations most threatened in their neighborhoods – Greece by neighboring Turkey, Poland and Estonia by Russia, and Britain and the United States by their commitments to security and peace around the world. Nor has he given much thought to the benefits and dividends associated with peace, including the unimpeded global commerce that makes consumer goods cheap and increases living standards – phenomena he seems to see as threats to rather than facets of American prosperity. Perhaps this inconsistency is because Trump doesn’t see threats to American security outside of the Muslim world. On Russia, in particular, the celebrity candidate has insisted that the world has nothing to fear.
“I believe an easing of tensions, and improved relations with Russia from a position of strength only is possible, absolutely possible,” Trump contended. “Common sense says this cycle, this horrible cycle of hostility must end and ideally will end soon.” To create a moral equivalence between the West and Vladimir Putin’s Moscow is grotesque and ignorant. There is no comparison between the Western world and its support for allies who merely aspire to ascend to membership in the Atlantic Alliance and a country that invades and illegally annexes sovereign territory. The notion that Russia is an ally in the war on radical Islamic terrorism is often betrayed, primarily by its support for the Assad regime that has facilitated the growth of ISIS. Trump’s vision of strength in regard to Moscow is a declaration of unilateral surrender in the face of competition and hostility.
“They look at the United States as weak and forgiving and feel no obligation to honor their agreements with us,” Trump said of America’s allies. But while he contends that the U.S. must exact concessions from its allies while making concessions to its adversaries, he also insists that the Obama administration must be rejected for doing precisely the same thing. “We pick fights with our oldest friends, and now they’re starting to look elsewhere for help,” Trump lamented. “Not good.” So, which is it?
Often, Trump criticized the Obama administration for simultaneously being too muscular in relation to the use of force as a diplomatic tool while also being too soft. The celebrity candidate promised to be different, but while also being similar. After again demonstrating that he doesn’t know what a trade deficit is by contending that it should be balanced “quickly,” he asserted that the world should “look at what China is doing in the South China Sea.” Without defining what that is, he noted: “they’re not supposed to be doing it.” You’ve heard the same turn of phrase from Secretary of State John Kerry when he’s utterly flummoxed by the actions of American adversaries and has no way to counter them.

Leaders of other nations, be they allies, adversaries or enemies, will be hard-pressed to discern a pattern here from which they can formulate policy toward post-America. This speech looks like a formula for continuing the sidelining of post-America that has begun under the Most Equal Comrade's rule.

UPDATE: Heather Wilhelm at RCP offers the pathetic, predictable responses of some leading lights of Trump-bottery:

Sen. Jeff Sessions found the speech “electrifying.” Newt Gingrich called it “a serious foreign policy speech” “worth reading and thinking about.” Radio host Laura Ingraham labeled it “one of the most consequential foreign policy speeches since 1981.” Media gadfly Ann Coulter, not to be outdone, called it the “GREATEST FOREIGN POLICY SPEECH SINCE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS,” because she’s not crazy at all.
Dog vomit where their souls should be.




15 comments:

  1. I believe in a strong, robust executive authority,” Cheney told reporters in 2005, “and I think that the world we live in demands it—and to some extent that we have an obligation as the administration to pass on the offices we hold to our successors in as good of shape as we found them.” - See more at: http://www.rollcall.com/news/opinion/trumps-authoritarian-tendencies-echo-cheney#sthash.NCd5KGQ1.dpuf

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  2. I think Hillie will smoke him on foreign policy issues. Whether you like it or not, she was Secretary of State for 4 years. Benghazi and the emails are a mere witch hunt and will not succeed. Even Hillie will seem like a breath of fresh air next to the boorish one. You must remember this: the great unknowns are the independents and they will see what they will see and likely many more of them will pull the lever against Trump. Against Trump at all costs!

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  3. And what the hell did she accomplish during her tenure?

    The effort to expose the truth about the emails and Benghazi may or may not succeed, but they are no mere witch hunt. Hillary Clinton needs to be behind bars.

    https://pjmedia.com/andrewmccarthy/2016/04/25/state-department-still-covering-for-clinton-and-obamas-benghazi-lies/

    In March, the State Department quietly released records relevant to the Obama administration’s response to the September 11, 2012, Benghazi terrorist attack. Included were transcripts of the telephone call then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had on September 12 -- only hours after the attack ended -- with then-Egyptian Prime Minister Hisham Kandil.

    As explained by Judicial Watch, whose Freedom of Information Act lawsuit against the “most transparent administration in history” forced the belated disclosure, Mrs. Clinton flatly told Mr. Kandil:

    We know the attack in Libya had nothing to do with the film. It was a planned attack -- not a protest.
    Kandil responded:

    You’re not kidding. Based on the information we saw today, we believe the group that claimed responsibility for this is affiliated with al-Qaeda.
    Of course, “the film” Clinton was referring to is Innocence of Muslims, an obscure anti-Islamic video trailer that she, President Obama, and the administration tirelessly blamed for the attacks despite -- let’s quote Clinton again -- “know[ing] the attack in Libya had nothing to do with the film.”

    Moreover, in the hours after the siege, Clinton told her daughter Chelsea that the attack had been staged by “an al-Qaeda-like group.” We know this fact only because the Judicial Watch lawsuit finally forced the administration to release Clinton’s email to her daughter.

    Keep in mind the sequence of events here, which Judicial Watch rehearses in its press release and which I have previously recounted. The White House and the State Department knew from the beginning that the Benghazi siege was a pre-planned terrorist attack. But the president was then in the stretch-run of the 2012 election campaign, during which he was claiming to have both defeated al-Qaeda and liberated Libya. The latter claim was an intervention vigorously endorsed by Secretary Clinton, who was already planning her campaign to succeed Obama in the Oval Office.

    Clinton’s purpose was to escape accountability for her flawed judgment and actions. To achieve it, she quite intentionally circumvented federal laws that require government officials to maintain accessible records and disclose them to the public, Congress, and the courts.

    That such a person could be a plausible major-party candidate for president is an appalling commentary on the state of our nation.

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  4. And the idea of comparing a principled conservative with a firm grasp on world affairs like Cheney to a buffoon like Trump is ludicrous and pathetic.

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  5. And I really don't give a shit about who smokes whom in a Trump-Hillar debate about anything. As I've said repeatedly, if it comes down to that choice, we can be sure that God has withdrawn his blessing from this nation and our doom is certain.

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  6. I get it. If your man wins then I guess you think the odds of God blessing us again have just gone up again. That might not be dog vomit but is sure smells like horse shit to me. Try that on the greater electorate too why dontcha? Trump is your problem, but Hillie will save the world from him and he has already told us we won't hear much from him thereafter. I woulda wished for the same from Cheney who applauded a strong presidency until Obama tried to throw his weight around as he had to due to the intransigence of the right.

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  7. Horse shit, if not dog vomit, soiling the Grand Old Party all over the pasture these days, might rile your ignorant cattle masses.

    “Lucifer in the flesh,” Boehner told an audience at Stanford on Wednesday night, according to the Stanford Daily. “I have Democrat friends and Republican friends. I get along with almost everyone, but I have never worked with a more miserable son of a bitch in my life.”

    Read more: http://www.politico.com/story/2016/04/john-beohner-ted-cruz-lucifer-222570#ixzz478Lgu3UT

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    1. Things get very squirrelly in the Grand Old Party, as they have throughout history when proclamations about who God favors and does not start getting flung around, well, like horseshit at a poop convention.

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  8. No, Obama's interest in a strong executive was to use executive branch agencies and departments like Justice, the EPA and the IRS to impose tyranny on the American people

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  9. Do you really have any doubt where I stand in a rift between Boehner and Ted?

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  10. The reason Ted is my man is that he embodies conservativism. It's a matter is solid principles vs. utter incoherence

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  11. No, but pray tell me again where God stands?

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  12. God stands for freedom and for people revering him and living according to His word

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  13. And for his children to comport themselves with dignity and wisdom and graciousness

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  14. Good guess, I guess. I'm sure you think it's the best guess.

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