Sunday, March 3, 2024

It's very late in the day for Ukraine

 If you haven't seen it yet, I'd like to steer your attention to a Washington Post story this morning profiling seven Ukrainian men, most of them in their early 20s, and who had decidedly non-combat lives before their country was invaded, who were among the last to try to defend Avdiivka before it fell. Each profile is accompanied by a portrait-style photograph. Stare deeply into their faces, their eyes. These guys have seen things that have forever transformed them.

Here's a taste of a. couple of their stories:

Major had just arrived in Avdiivka in the second week of February and set up in an old, two-story student dorm when waves of Russian troops began crashing against his unit’s position. 

Eventually, a group of well-trained Russian soldiers hit them with a barrage of rocket-propelled grenades and were soon fighting their way through the building. 

Russian troops backed Major into the corner of a room and screamed at him to surrender. He played along and begged them not to shoot as he frantically looked for a way out. 

Other Ukrainian troops came to his rescue with an assault of their own and in the ensuing chaos, he scrambled out of a second-floor window to safety. 

By the time his unit retreated, he was in charge. So many soldiers had been wounded that there was “nobody more senior left,” the 21-year-old said. 

His unit was then assigned to a tree line along the evacuation routes — one of the last lines of defense — to cover the troops pulling out. Soon the Russians were “raining down very targeted artillery fire on us,” he said. 

If there were more troops, artillery and air cover, Ukrainian forces could have held on to the position, he said, adding, “We just needed something to fight with.” 

When his group finally left the city entirely, he watched the convoy in front of him erupt into fire as artillery took them out. “It was just a convoy of people. A convoy of the best men ever. And in front of our eyes, this convoy was destroyed by artillery. People of my age, between 20 and 30.” 

“This was the road of death,” he said, “the very last one out of Avdiivka.”

And 

Shved, a marksman, was constantly moving between positions in Avdiivka, shooting so many Russian troops he said he “lost count after 10.” 

Setting up in abandoned civilian homes, he had to get creative to find firing positions. At one point, he said, he perched on top of a wardrobe to get a better shot. “I learned everything I needed to know about unstable positions in Avdiivka,” he said. 

The skill levels of Russian troops were not “really consistent,” he said. There were some with little more than uniforms and basic rifles while others had more advanced equipment. He had several close calls and after three concussions, his commander consulted a medic and suggested it might be time to leave. 

By then, he said, it felt like “someone put a pan over my head, hit me with a baseball bat, and then punched and kicked me.” 

He agreed to evacuate, but while being driven out with three other wounded men, a drone hit their vehicle, damaging it and giving him his fourth concussion. They all survived. 


Now, I'd like to steer you to a piece Gary Kasparov posted on Facebook about the current situation:

Russia is currently deploying six times the number of shells that Ukraine is, helping to propel it to victories like the recent recapturing of the eastern city of Avdiivka. And, shortly after the opening of the conference, attendees received news of the devastating murder of Aleksei Navalny, the most prominent opposition leader remaining in Putin’s Russia. The energetic mood of last year’s conference gave way, this time, to weariness and resignation.
To see such a concentration of power, money, and influence in one place, and yet no political will, was truly shocking to me. The subtext of what I heard can be summed up as follows: “We understand that the reason Ukraine is struggling in its fight to maintain its independence is because the West is failing to provide it adequate support. But, we are not willing to undertake any risks, to make any uncomfortable sacrifices, in our effort to help. Ukraine is our dear friend, of course, and our GDP is twenty-five times greater*, but, unfortunately—there isn’t anything else we can do.”
Even promises already made are not being kept. Days after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz pledged to supply $1 billion in arms; two years later, his government is still negotiating with major arms manufacturer Rheinmetall over a multiyear contract that would allow the company to increase its manufacturing capacity.


The vacuum looming in these European deliberations is the lack of resolve on the part of the Untied States. The dynamic does not favor decisive action:

[Nikki Haley] likes to say “the world is on fire,” with conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East and brewing problems elsewhere. She advocates more military aid for Ukraine and argues against Trump’s “America First” worldview. Her argument, shared by others, is that a retreat by the United States from a leadership role in the world leaves both this country and the world at large less safe in the face of threats from Russia, China, Iran and North Korea. 

She harks back to a different Republican Party, a party that has been in retreat since Trump first ran for president. She wins votes — 20 percent or 30 percent or even 40 percent in states where she has competed — but she is not winning the argument. 

If the next round of primaries goes as expected, with Trump triumphant, Haley will face more calls to withdraw. She has been defiant in resisting those calls to date, marching to the beat of her own drum. But to what end? For there is little to suggest that she can now or in the near future arrest the inward turn within her party.

And, while much can transpire over the next several months, the current dynamic between the parties suggests that this inward turn has the momentum. 

Encouraging developments are hard to come by, but this one is worth noting:

A pro-Ukraine House Republican is preparing an effort to go around House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) to get aid to Ukraine passed.

Why it matters: It's a rare break with House GOP leadership, which has resisted holding a Ukraine aid vote due to strong opposition from the right.

  • "We have to get something done," said Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), co-chair of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus, who is leading the push. 
  • "It's existential, it's time sensitive. Whether that's our product or somebody else's, we've just got to get the money out the door to them," he said.

What's happening: Fitzpatrick told reporters he is preparing what is known as a discharge petition, which can force a House vote if it gets 218 signatures.

  • Such a petition would therefore require support from a handful of Republicans, assuming it gets signatures from most House Democrats.
  • The maneuver also requires a certain amount of time – 30 days in which the House is in session – before it can be forced to the floor.

What he's saying: Fitzpatrick said the petition will be ready for signatures by early March and signaled he expects it to garner some Republican signatures.

  • Asked about the depth of Republican support, he told reporters, "more than you think ... a lot of people who know it's the right thing to do."
  • One House Republican, speaking on the condition of anonymity, told Axios they will sign on "if [there's] no other progress."
  • But Fitzpatrick also stressed that the discharge petition mainly serves to "apply a pressure point to get something done soon."


Fitzpatrick is doing his career no favors, but he understands that that's not the important thing here.

And Argentinian president Javier Milei continues to confound preconceived notions. He's initiating a rallying of the global south of a sort we ought to applaud

Argentina's President Javier Milei has announced his intention to convene a summit aimed at bolstering Latin American support for Ukraine, as revealed in a Financial Times interview on Feb. 28. 

This move marks a clear divergence from the more neutral stances of other regional leaders like Brazil's Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Mexico's Andrés Manuel López Obrador.


So there are developments that, with encouragement, could reverse what looks increasingly inevitable. But it's going to require vigor and courage.  


 

 

 

 

Thursday, February 29, 2024

These people are not conservatives

 MAGA has a challenge based on a paradox. It is at least as purist a movement as any flavor of either progressivism or conservatism, but, given its intrinsic incoherence, it must try to define what it wants to be pure about in terms of stomping into the dust anyone who deviates the first micro-inch from its jumbled set of orthodoxies. In short, it makes more clear what it's against than what it's for.

It also, by its nature, operates in the short term.  It can't conceive of any kind of principles that would guide it through, say, the next century. 

Nothing sparks its hatred like public recognition of anyone's actual conservative bona fides who ever obstructed anything about its "program."

As you know, Mitch McConnell has announced he will step down as the Senate GOP leader in November. Now, I have my share of real frustrations with McConnell. Shortly after having given a floor speech in which he placed the moral culpability for January 6 on Donald. Trump, he told an interviewer with a great deal of certainty in his tone that he'd vote for Trump if Trump were the GOP nominee.

But, sitting out here in the hinterland as I am, I'm sure I don't appreciate all the factors McConnell has to balance every day in his role. And the fact is, he steered a lot of legislation through his chamber that advanced conservative causes. And he was primarily responsible for getting three great Supreme Court nominees approved during the otherwise unfortunate administration of the Very Stable Genius.

Here's how the ate-up yay-hoos are framing McConnell's legacy:


McConnell was a cancer on the GOP and the most unpopular national political figure for many years. He hasn't died and there's no reason to sugarcoat his legacy.

Carl is a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute, which at one time was an exemplary think thank. It was founded by the west coast Straussian Harry V. Jaffa. But it has pretty much gone all in for MAGA-ism.

How about this charmer from a group of currently-serving federal lawmakers?


Our thoughts are with our Democrat colleagues in the Senate on the retirement of their Co-Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (D-Ukraine).  

No need to wait till November… Senate Republicans should IMMEDIATELY elect a *Republican* Minority Leader.

What's the main thing that leaps out at you in each of these tweets?

Is it not the utter lack of grace? The refusal, or perhaps incapacity, to consider any kind of context?

Matt Vespa, one of the most toxic columnists at that sewer of MAGA-ism, Townhall, has a piece today - sorry, not giving it any linky love - on the occasion of Liz Cheney on yesterday's Supreme Court decision that throws a wrench in Jack Smith's ability to move his cases against Trump forward. The whole piece is an attempt to portray her as an irrelevant laughingstock. At one point his poses the question of how does someone in deep-red Wyoming lose the state's House seat? He doesn't answer his own question, but the piece is pregnant with the clear implication: She saw Trump's behavior on January 6 as disqualifying him from further participation in America politics. Her voting record in Congress was as conservative as you can get. She was elected conference chair when she was only in her second term. Hell, she voted with Trump's preferences 93 percent of the time.  She had a reputation for policy chops. 

But she crossed the MAGA red line. 

Let us also bear in mind that to Trump, his former UN ambassador, Nikki Haley, is now "braindead."

The drool-besotted throne-sniffers have completely taken over the Republican Party, which is why I'm staying home in May and November. 

I won't have any truck with a movement based on pure meanness. 

 


Conversation


Tuesday, February 6, 2024

Border thoughts

 I recently discussed this issue here, with a focus on Mitch McConnell's we-don't-want-to-undermine-Trump remark. That quickly became an angle - to a significant degree, legitimately so - that those inclined to reflexively put Republicans in the worst possible light used to understandable advantage.

There was no completed Senate bill at the time. Now that there is one, it's possible to make a more concrete assessment of where things stand.

The bill's principal architect, Senator James Lankford of Oklahoma (working with Democrat Chris Murphy of Connecticut and independent Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona), feels like it's a good combination of teeth and humanity:

“Even if President Biden will not admit it, this is a crisis. We must secure our border now. It cannot wait any longer.

“Americans are not opposed to legal and orderly immigration, but they are tired of the chaos and abuse at our border. I am happy to announce, we have finally finished strong bill text to add to the supplemental funding bill. Though most members of the Senate have already been briefed on the contents of the bill, the final text will be distributed to members of the Senate soon and posted online within a day.

“The border security bill will put a huge number of new enforcement tools in the hands of a future administration and push the current Administration to finally stop the illegal flow. The bill provides funding to build the wall, increase technology at the border, and add more detention beds, more agents, and more deportation flights. The border security bill ends the abuse of parole on our southwest border that has waived in over a million people. It dramatically changes our ambiguous asylum laws by conducting fast screenings at a higher standard of evidence, limited appeals, and fast deportation."

“New bars to asylum eligibility will stop the criminal cartels from exploiting our currently weak immigration laws. The bill also has new emergency authorities to shut down the border when the border is overrun, new hiring authorities to quickly increase officers, and new hearing authorities to quickly apply consequences for illegal crossings. It changes our border from catch and release to detain and deport.

A main point of contention for those opposed to the bill is that it apparently has a tripwire number of 5,000 illegal crossings a day that would automatically close the border. 

That seems pretty leaky. It would only take ten days of such numbers to equal the population of the city where I live, and 100 days to equal the population of several major US metropolises. 

But it's also moot, given that that number has been exceeded a lot lately:

If the proposal were passed into law, the new authority could be triggered almost immediately, given that border encounters topped 10,000 on some days during December, which was the highest month on record for illegal crossings. 

 But there's a ludicrous amount of good faith packed into this bill:

The bill’s authors would have you believe that after immigrants have traveled thousands of miles and spent thousands of dollars to enter the United States illegally, they will voluntarily surrender to ICE for deportation. It is a fantasy. All immigrants released into the U.S. under the “noncustodial removal proceeding” will disappear into the country forever. Biden will not lift a finger to track them down. He certainly hasn’t so far. He is utterly untrustworthy on this.

And good old subsidization:

The legislation also includes billions of dollars of spending to bail out local governments and nongovernmental organizations so they can continue to provide housing, food, clothing, education, and healthcare for immigrants.

Matthew Continetti makes the point that Biden has legitimate executive authority to act right now, without an unwieldy Congressional bill.  It's more legitimate authority than that which he's used for a number of matters, immigration-related and beyond:

Biden didn’t say he required congressional approval when, on his first day in office, he reversed his predecessor’s order to exclude illegal immigrants from the Census Bureau’s calculations for congressional reapportionment; insulated Dreamers from legal challenges; ended restrictions on entry into the United States for citizens of nations deemed a national security risk; paused deportations; stopped construction of the border wall; and extended the ability of Liberian immigrants to remain in the United States.

Nor did Biden say he required congressional approval when he ended his predecessor’s Remain in Mexico policyfirst tried to halt Title 42 authority to remove illegal migrants deemed a public health risk; and expanded presidential parole to admit more than 1 million migrants to the United States.

Biden didn’t go to Congress when he extended the pandemic eviction moratorium. Or when he announced a blatantly unconstitutional workplace vaccine mandate. Or when he revived an egregiously expansive interpretation of the Clean Water Rule. Or when he erased $400 billion in student loans.

True, the courts tossed out the eviction moratorium, vaccine mandate, EPA overreach, and the initial student loan forgiveness plan. If Biden assumes that the courts also would intervene on the border, then he should say so. The point is that Biden’s self-imposed limitations on executive authority have appeared only when the issue is illegal migration.

And then there's the matter of bundling border-policy legislation with with foreign policy. In a sane universe, aid to Ukraine and aid to Israel would be handled on a stand-alone basis (and passed without difficulty).

I'm inclined to think this bill has too many shortcomings to warrant support. But then again, what the hell are we going to do at this late date? 

Ukraine needs ammunition more than ever, given Putin's amassing of 40.000 troops and 500 tanks for a fresh drive into Kupyansk within the month.  Not to mention all kinds of other materiel. 

So the bill is just another example of how post-America cobbles together feeble measures to address its threats in lieu of a strategic vision that would guide us and give a unified sense of why the hell we're doing anything we're doing.