Showing posts with label Senate. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Senate. Show all posts

Thursday, February 29, 2024

These people are not conservatives

 MAGA has a challenge based on a paradox. It is at least as purist a movement as any flavor of either progressivism or conservatism, but, given its intrinsic incoherence, it must try to define what it wants to be pure about in terms of stomping into the dust anyone who deviates the first micro-inch from its jumbled set of orthodoxies. In short, it makes more clear what it's against than what it's for.

It also, by its nature, operates in the short term.  It can't conceive of any kind of principles that would guide it through, say, the next century. 

Nothing sparks its hatred like public recognition of anyone's actual conservative bona fides who ever obstructed anything about its "program."

As you know, Mitch McConnell has announced he will step down as the Senate GOP leader in November. Now, I have my share of real frustrations with McConnell. Shortly after having given a floor speech in which he placed the moral culpability for January 6 on Donald. Trump, he told an interviewer with a great deal of certainty in his tone that he'd vote for Trump if Trump were the GOP nominee.

But, sitting out here in the hinterland as I am, I'm sure I don't appreciate all the factors McConnell has to balance every day in his role. And the fact is, he steered a lot of legislation through his chamber that advanced conservative causes. And he was primarily responsible for getting three great Supreme Court nominees approved during the otherwise unfortunate administration of the Very Stable Genius.

Here's how the ate-up yay-hoos are framing McConnell's legacy:


McConnell was a cancer on the GOP and the most unpopular national political figure for many years. He hasn't died and there's no reason to sugarcoat his legacy.

Carl is a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute, which at one time was an exemplary think thank. It was founded by the west coast Straussian Harry V. Jaffa. But it has pretty much gone all in for MAGA-ism.

How about this charmer from a group of currently-serving federal lawmakers?


Our thoughts are with our Democrat colleagues in the Senate on the retirement of their Co-Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (D-Ukraine).  

No need to wait till November… Senate Republicans should IMMEDIATELY elect a *Republican* Minority Leader.

What's the main thing that leaps out at you in each of these tweets?

Is it not the utter lack of grace? The refusal, or perhaps incapacity, to consider any kind of context?

Matt Vespa, one of the most toxic columnists at that sewer of MAGA-ism, Townhall, has a piece today - sorry, not giving it any linky love - on the occasion of Liz Cheney on yesterday's Supreme Court decision that throws a wrench in Jack Smith's ability to move his cases against Trump forward. The whole piece is an attempt to portray her as an irrelevant laughingstock. At one point his poses the question of how does someone in deep-red Wyoming lose the state's House seat? He doesn't answer his own question, but the piece is pregnant with the clear implication: She saw Trump's behavior on January 6 as disqualifying him from further participation in America politics. Her voting record in Congress was as conservative as you can get. She was elected conference chair when she was only in her second term. Hell, she voted with Trump's preferences 93 percent of the time.  She had a reputation for policy chops. 

But she crossed the MAGA red line. 

Let us also bear in mind that to Trump, his former UN ambassador, Nikki Haley, is now "braindead."

The drool-besotted throne-sniffers have completely taken over the Republican Party, which is why I'm staying home in May and November. 

I won't have any truck with a movement based on pure meanness. 

 


Conversation


Tuesday, February 6, 2024

Border thoughts

 I recently discussed this issue here, with a focus on Mitch McConnell's we-don't-want-to-undermine-Trump remark. That quickly became an angle - to a significant degree, legitimately so - that those inclined to reflexively put Republicans in the worst possible light used to understandable advantage.

There was no completed Senate bill at the time. Now that there is one, it's possible to make a more concrete assessment of where things stand.

The bill's principal architect, Senator James Lankford of Oklahoma (working with Democrat Chris Murphy of Connecticut and independent Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona), feels like it's a good combination of teeth and humanity:

“Even if President Biden will not admit it, this is a crisis. We must secure our border now. It cannot wait any longer.

“Americans are not opposed to legal and orderly immigration, but they are tired of the chaos and abuse at our border. I am happy to announce, we have finally finished strong bill text to add to the supplemental funding bill. Though most members of the Senate have already been briefed on the contents of the bill, the final text will be distributed to members of the Senate soon and posted online within a day.

“The border security bill will put a huge number of new enforcement tools in the hands of a future administration and push the current Administration to finally stop the illegal flow. The bill provides funding to build the wall, increase technology at the border, and add more detention beds, more agents, and more deportation flights. The border security bill ends the abuse of parole on our southwest border that has waived in over a million people. It dramatically changes our ambiguous asylum laws by conducting fast screenings at a higher standard of evidence, limited appeals, and fast deportation."

“New bars to asylum eligibility will stop the criminal cartels from exploiting our currently weak immigration laws. The bill also has new emergency authorities to shut down the border when the border is overrun, new hiring authorities to quickly increase officers, and new hearing authorities to quickly apply consequences for illegal crossings. It changes our border from catch and release to detain and deport.

A main point of contention for those opposed to the bill is that it apparently has a tripwire number of 5,000 illegal crossings a day that would automatically close the border. 

That seems pretty leaky. It would only take ten days of such numbers to equal the population of the city where I live, and 100 days to equal the population of several major US metropolises. 

But it's also moot, given that that number has been exceeded a lot lately:

If the proposal were passed into law, the new authority could be triggered almost immediately, given that border encounters topped 10,000 on some days during December, which was the highest month on record for illegal crossings. 

 But there's a ludicrous amount of good faith packed into this bill:

The bill’s authors would have you believe that after immigrants have traveled thousands of miles and spent thousands of dollars to enter the United States illegally, they will voluntarily surrender to ICE for deportation. It is a fantasy. All immigrants released into the U.S. under the “noncustodial removal proceeding” will disappear into the country forever. Biden will not lift a finger to track them down. He certainly hasn’t so far. He is utterly untrustworthy on this.

And good old subsidization:

The legislation also includes billions of dollars of spending to bail out local governments and nongovernmental organizations so they can continue to provide housing, food, clothing, education, and healthcare for immigrants.

Matthew Continetti makes the point that Biden has legitimate executive authority to act right now, without an unwieldy Congressional bill.  It's more legitimate authority than that which he's used for a number of matters, immigration-related and beyond:

Biden didn’t say he required congressional approval when, on his first day in office, he reversed his predecessor’s order to exclude illegal immigrants from the Census Bureau’s calculations for congressional reapportionment; insulated Dreamers from legal challenges; ended restrictions on entry into the United States for citizens of nations deemed a national security risk; paused deportations; stopped construction of the border wall; and extended the ability of Liberian immigrants to remain in the United States.

Nor did Biden say he required congressional approval when he ended his predecessor’s Remain in Mexico policyfirst tried to halt Title 42 authority to remove illegal migrants deemed a public health risk; and expanded presidential parole to admit more than 1 million migrants to the United States.

Biden didn’t go to Congress when he extended the pandemic eviction moratorium. Or when he announced a blatantly unconstitutional workplace vaccine mandate. Or when he revived an egregiously expansive interpretation of the Clean Water Rule. Or when he erased $400 billion in student loans.

True, the courts tossed out the eviction moratorium, vaccine mandate, EPA overreach, and the initial student loan forgiveness plan. If Biden assumes that the courts also would intervene on the border, then he should say so. The point is that Biden’s self-imposed limitations on executive authority have appeared only when the issue is illegal migration.

And then there's the matter of bundling border-policy legislation with with foreign policy. In a sane universe, aid to Ukraine and aid to Israel would be handled on a stand-alone basis (and passed without difficulty).

I'm inclined to think this bill has too many shortcomings to warrant support. But then again, what the hell are we going to do at this late date? 

Ukraine needs ammunition more than ever, given Putin's amassing of 40.000 troops and 500 tanks for a fresh drive into Kupyansk within the month.  Not to mention all kinds of other materiel. 

So the bill is just another example of how post-America cobbles together feeble measures to address its threats in lieu of a strategic vision that would guide us and give a unified sense of why the hell we're doing anything we're doing. 


 


 

 


Thursday, January 25, 2024

Mitch McConnell goes all in as the Very Stable Genius's eunuch

 The Senate Minority Leader stands at the corner of Cynical and Cowardly to publicly announce the abrupt reversal of his view on a bipartisan package that addresses the US southern border as well as aid for Ukraine:

In a private Senate Republican meeting on Ukraine, McConnell said effectively that time and the political will to pass a bipartisan immigration and border security compromise are quickly running out — and may have actually run out already.

McConnell told GOP senators that before border security talks began, immigration policy united Republicans and Ukraine aid divided them. “Politics on this have changed,” McConnell said of solving the crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border. That’s because former President Donald Trump wants to run his 2024 campaign focusing on immigration.

“We don’t want to do anything to undermine him,” McConnell said of Trump, a one-time collaborator turned nemesis.

This is a big about-face for McConnell, who earlier this week said Congress needs to pass the border security bill and unlock billions of dollars in new Ukraine aid.

On the floor Wednesday, McConnell asserted that supporting Ukraine was a matter of “cold hard American interest.” But the Kentucky Republican made his own cold political calculation later in the day that the scheme he had been relentlessly pushing for weeks was in jeopardy and a new approach was needed.

Got that? "We don't want to do anything to undermine him." He's decided that it's more important to give Squirrel Hair a talking point for the remainder of this election cycle than to get going on solution to the thousands of illegal immigrants pouring across the border weekly. And aid for Ukraine, a West-friendly European nation that had its sovereignty suddenly and brutally violated, remains flapping in the breeze for the foreseeable future.

I guess what McConnell had to say in his February 2021 Senate floor speech about Trump being "morally responsible" for the Capitol riot the previous month was a lot of hooey. Is anything he's ever said anything other than hooey? How would we be able to tell?

Ted Cruz, who got a double dose of humiliation from the VSG in 2016 in the form of getting his wife called ugly and his dad accused of conspiring to assassinate JFK, now wants to talk tough about what a bad deal it would be immigration-wise:

“This supplemental bill is a kamikaze plane in a box canyon with no exit headed for a trainwreck,” quipped Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas.

Gee, it looks to me like it has some teeth:

The deal – which has not yet been finalized – would reportedly make it harder for migrants to claim asylum, make it easier for U.S. officials to deport migrants who have remained in the country illegally, expand detention capacity and add Border Patrol staff.

Add this cynical calculation to the zeal with which Tim Scott and Marco Rubio have lined up to publicly fellate the VSG.

Cowards, loonies and sycophants. The entire Republican Party is now given over to them.  

 


Sunday, December 4, 2022

Well, then, say his name

 There's pushback, doncha know, among the Pubs:

A handful of prominent Republicans . .  were pressed to weigh in on Sunday programs.

Rep.-elect Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., said "Well, obviously, I don’t support that" in an interview on CNN’s "State of the Union."

"The Constitution is set for a reason, to protect the rights of every American. And so I certainly don’t endorse that language or that sentiment. I think the question for everyone is how we move forward," Lawler said, adding that he thinks Americans are “tired of discussing the grievances of prior elections” and that Trump would be “well-advised to focus on the future, if he is going to run for president again.”

Marc Short, former Vice President Mike Pence’s chief of staff, lamented that Trump’s remarks have become a “consistent trend,” pointing out that the former president had demanded that Pence put the Constitution aside to overturn the election results after he lost reelection to Joe Biden.

"The president’s remarks, the company he’s keeping, I think is way beyond the fold,” Short said during an appearance on NBC News’ “Meet the Press.”

Rep. Mike Turner, R-Ohio, similarly dismissed Trump’s call for the termination of the Constitution in an interview on CBS’ “Face the Nation.” He said, “It’s certainly not consistent with the oath we all take."

But Turner sidestepped when asked whether the frontrunner for the GOP nomination in the 2024 election should make such a statement. While he said he “vehemently disagrees” with the former president’s statement, Turner did not directly answer the question, even after host Margaret Brennan pressed repeatedly.

“There is a political process that has to go forward before anyone is a frontrunner or anybody is even a candidate for the party,” Turner said. “And I believe, answering your question, that people certainly are going to take into consideration a statement like this as they evaluate a candidate.”

Rep. David Joyce, R-Ohio, also appeared reluctant to condemn Trump’s remarks during an appearance on ABC News’ “This Week.” 

Joyce said he was unaware of what the former president posted and that “people were not interested in looking backwards” when asked to respond to Trump’s statement.

Pressed on whether he can support a candidate in 2024 who wants to suspend the Constitution, Joyce said that he will choose “whoever the Republican nominee is” because he expects Trump to have many challengers in 2024. He also said the former president lacks the authority to carry out his “fantasy” of suspending the Constitution.

The big dawgs are so far mum:

As of Sunday morning, Republican leaders, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., as well as the Republican National Committee had not publicly commented on Trump’s post. NBC News reached out to spokespeople for McConnell, McCarthy and the RNC for comment Saturday but did not receive any response.

This is why I no longer consider myself a Republican. No one in the leadership echelons is willing to speak the entire truth of the matter. In fact, they are all hedging their bets, doing what they can not to jeopardize their political options, given the current still-the-case claim the Very Stable Genius has on the GOP. 

Sorry, can't sign up for that. 

 

 

 

 


Saturday, November 12, 2022

Mitch McConnell

 Interesting fissures within the Republican Party are appearing.

I've seen an attempt to distance national conservatism from MAGA. With all due respect, it looks to me like a distinction with little difference. NatCon was never anything but an attempt to lend some coherence to Trumpism, without much success.

There's also the current debate on whether Mitch McConnell is an effective leader of Pubs in the Senate. Of course, the MAGA fever swamp's take is that the GOP became a new critter in 2016 - for the better, in their estimation - and whatever usefulness McConnell had had was irrelevant in the new landscape. But he has his staunch defenders as well.

I have found him frustrating over the years. Maybe part of my predisposition is on superficial grounds. His barely-flappable demeanor and his appearance (I can't get over George Will's likening him to a turtle) seemed not quite up to the task in a few situations over the years. He never employed brinkmanship in debt-ceiling debates, for instance. Most recently, his affirmative response to the question of whether he'd support Trump in a 2024 presidential race - well, made me sick.

But I'm just a pundit in flyover country. There's a lot about what's required to maneuver successfully in the Senate over the course of a long career that I'm quite sure I know next to nothing about. I'm willing to interpret his measured tone of voice and care to avoid inflammatory wording as a steadiness of nerves that his position requires.

And I want to make clear that I have no problem whatsoever with the obstructionist stance he took during the Obama years. He did what he could to prevent and then repeal the "Affordable" Care Act and stimulus packages. Those positions earn my loud applause.

I think I weigh in on the side of the current debate that says he needs to stay put as Senate Minority Leader. It's a position that requires chops one doesn't acquire quickly. McConnell knows the lay of the land, and, in that understated way of his, will surely proceed on the understanding that Trumpism is toxic for the Republican future. I think the recent midterm results have deepened that understanding. 

Anybody else that the opposition in this debate would put forward would have at least some taint of NatCon/MAGA, I think. Sticking with Mitch is a wise first step in seeing if that infection can be cured.

Thursday, October 28, 2021

Thoughts on Kyrsten Sinema wearing a denim vest to preside over the Senate

 The controversy she's catalyzed by assuming the role of President Pro Tempore in a denim vest and checking her phone from the dais spans left to right. I kind of think some of the ire from the left is intertwined with progressives' frustration about her opposition to their cherished aims, such as a $15 minimum wage, governmental intrusion into the setting of drug prices, and taking a grab-bag approach to infrastructure legislation. 

It's clear she gets a kick out of being an unpredictable combination of traits. It may be that she has embellished some aspects of her upbringing, but it's pretty clear that it was weird at best, involving as she's claimed a time when the family lived in an abandoned gas station. The family was Mormon; she broke with the Latter-day Saints upon graduating from Brigham Young. She was quite the progressive herself in her social-worker days and the first years of her political career (Green Party member, PhD in "justice studies") and expressed her views colorfully ("These women who act like staying at home, leeching off their husbands or boyfriends and just cashing the checks is some sort of feminism because they're choosing to live that life. That's bullshit. I mean, what the fuck are we really talking about here?") She's described herself as bisexual, a status that has always perplexed me. Doesn't one have to be pretty promiscuous to determine that one is bisexual? And doesn't one have to have lovers of either the opposite-sex or same-sex variety who are, shall we say, understanding of one's efforts to conclude that that is indeed one's status? (Oh, that's right, in a world where secularism and and emphasis on individuals' feelings have snuffed out conventions rooted in religion, we no longer devote any thought to how others conduct their sex lives.)

But since her election to the Senate, she's been the kind of Democrat that makes the majority of that party's members pull their hair out. She voted against the Green New Deal. She voted for confirming David Bernhardt (a former - gasp! - oil company executive!) as Interior Secretary. And, as noted above, she does not dig the idea of a $15-per-hour minimum wage.

The way she's positioned herself in the last couple of years had righties - of the sort who live for clicks on their daily sensationalizing - providing lots of oxygen to the restroom incident of a couple of weeks ago. And, I mean, who couldn't - unless one were an ate-up activist type - see the utter absence of basic decency in chasing a Senator into a restroom stall while haranguing her about how she was going to vote on massive spending bills?

Now, with regard to the stunt at hand, I weigh in on the side of tradition and decorum. It was wrong for her to wear the denim vest. Then again, ideologically, I'm part of a breed that quite possibly faces extinction - that is to say, an actual conservative. 

I keep having occasion to come back to the opening paragraphs of Joseph Epstein's 2004 Weekly Standard essay, "The Perpetual Adolescent"

WHENEVER ANYONE under the age of 50 sees old newsreel film of Joe DiMaggio's 56-game hitting streak of 1941, he is almost certain to be brought up by the fact that nearly everyone in the male-dominated crowds--in New York, Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland--seems to be wearing a suit and a fedora or other serious adult hat. The people in those earlier baseball crowds, though watching a boyish game, nonetheless had a radically different conception of themselves than most Americans do now. A major depression was ending, a world war was on. Even though they were watching an entertainment that took most of them back to their boyhoods, they thought of themselves as adults, no longer kids, but grown-ups, adults, men. 

How different from today, when a good part of the crowd at any ballgame, no matter what the age, is wearing jeans and team caps and T-shirts; and let us not neglect those (one hopes) benign maniacs who paint their faces in home-team colors or spell out, on their bare chests, the letters of the names of star players: S-O-S-A. 

Part of the explanation for the suits at the ballpark in DiMaggio's day is that in the 1940s and even '50s there weren't a lot of sport, or leisure, or casual clothes around. Unless one lived at what H.L. Mencken called "the country-club stage of culture"--unless, that is, one golfed, played tennis, or sailed--one was likely to own only the clothes one worked in or better. Far from casual Fridays, in those years there weren't even casual Sundays. Wearing one's "Sunday best," a cliché of the time, meant wearing the good clothes one reserved for church.

Dressing down may first have set in on the West Coast, where a certain informality was thought to be a new way of life. In the 1960s, in universities casual dress became absolutely de rigueur among younger faculty, who, in their ardor to destroy any evidence of their being implicated in evil hierarchy, wished not merely to seem in no wise different from their students but, more important, to seem always young; and the quickest path to youthfulness was teaching in jeans, T-shirts, and the rest of it.

Life in that different day was felt to observe the human equivalent of the Aristotelian unities: to have, like a good drama, a beginning, middle, and end. Each part, it was understood, had its own advantages and detractions, but the middle--adulthood--was the lengthiest and most earnest part, where everything serious happened and much was at stake. To violate the boundaries of any of the three divisions of life was to go against what was natural and thereby to appear unseemly, to put one's world somehow out of joint, to be, let us face it, a touch, and perhaps more than a touch, grotesque. 

Today, of course, all this has been shattered. The ideal almost everywhere is to seem young for as long as possible. The health clubs and endemic workout clothes, the enormous increase in cosmetic surgery (for women and men), the special youth-oriented television programming and moviemaking, all these are merely the more obvious signs of the triumph of youth culture. When I say youth culture, I do not mean merely that the young today are transcendent, the group most admired among the various age groups in American society, but that youth is no longer viewed as a transitory state, through which one passes on the way from childhood to adulthood, but an aspiration, a vaunted condition in which, if one can only arrange it, to settle in perpetuity. 

Am I vulnerable to a charge of hypocrisy here? After all, and this is a mindset I'd developed before the pandemic, but which was greatly reinforced by it, I tend to think in terms of how much of my day I can maneuver through in short and a tee shirt. But if that's the case, that's what I am, and I consider it a step up from never having known better. And when a situation absolutely calls for formality, I'm happy to rise to the occasion.

My conclusion is that, 2021 post-America being what it is, we're just going to be encountering a fairly constant parade of characters in our political and cultural life. Sinema's gonna Sinema, and sometimes it will please this bunch and some other times, the other bunch. 

I suppose the argument can be made that having a greater number of characters in proportion to the number of button-down serious people makes us a more fun society. But then I survey the landscape, and it doesn't look like too many folks are having much fun at all.