Monday, July 3, 2023

Joe Biden as the embodiment of the dismantling of family

 In just my short initial perusal of news stories so far this morning, I've come across two that verily scream to be juxtaposed.

The First

I really hesitate to delve into the business of pointing out hypocrisy. As I've said before, hypocrisy is often not a very good gauge of a principle's immutability. Some hypocrites are quite articulate. They can talk a good game about something widely recognized as an eternal verity, and utterly disregard it in their personal conduct. Examples abound. See me raising my hand? 

But occasionally a figure takes a prominent place on our national stage - say, assumes the presidency - and starts making some issue a cultural and political cornerstone of his policy formation. But what he's doing in his personal life is so incongruous with his utterances that one has to conclude he's the wrong person to be weighing in on the subject at all.

 Example A:

Shortly after the Supreme Court declared affirmative action college admission policies unconstitutional, President Joe Biden said his administration would direct the Department of Education to scrutinize how "practices like legacy admissions … expand privilege instead of opportunity."

The department could start by examining how politically connected families like the Bidens get their children into Ivy League schools.

In 2018, Hunter Biden tapped his father and a number of Biden family connections to help get his daughter into the University of Pennsylvania. Text messages and emails from Hunter Biden's laptop, reviewed by the Washington Free Beacon, show how Joe and Hunter Biden worked behind the scenes to get a subpar family member into one of the most selective schools in the country.

Maisy Biden's college admissions process could raise a number of uncomfortable questions for the president. The saga highlights exactly the kind of "legacy admissions" Biden has slammed. The story also highlights the Biden family's occasionally shady dealings with the University of Pennsylvania just as congressional Republicans are probing alleged ethical misconduct by both Joe and Hunter Biden.

Maisy Biden was never much of a student. But she had her sights set on the University of Pennsylvania, whose 5.9 percent acceptance rate made it one of the most exclusive schools in the country.

"I applied early decision to Penn today!!" Maisy Biden texted Hunter Biden on October 31.

Just two days later, Maisy asked her father for an update on her application. In the coming months, Hunter and Joe Biden would mount a full-court press on university administrators to get Maisy's application over the finish line. The Bidens took their case directly to the top: University of Pennsylvania president Amy Gutmann.

On December 13, 2018, the elder Biden texted Hunter that he was "going to try to see [University of Pennsylvania] Pres GUTMANN tomorrow." Two days later, Joe Biden told Hunter Biden that he "had a great talk with Guttman [sic]."

"Maisy still in the game for regular acceptance. But must do well in class this period. It's real," Joe Biden wrote on December 15. "We should talk about tutors etc starting tomorrow."

The next day, Hunter Biden told his daughter the good news—she had not been rejected. Hunter Biden said his father received some advice from Gutmann: Maisy needed to get her grades up in her senior year. Hunter also suggested that Maisy could see her chances improve if she expressed interest in playing lacrosse at Penn. Although it's unclear whether the lacrosse tip was from Joe Biden's conversations with the president of the University of Pennsylvania, Hunter was peeved that the counsel came so late.

"I also think it would help if you had lax coach talk to their lax coach," Hunter wrote. "Bottom line is that Guttman [sic] made clear that in order for her to explain the 11th grade you had to show improvement in 12th," Hunter wrote. "Which is something I think we would have all liked to know form [sic] the start, but in fairness we were much later in the app process than usual and made it look like we weren't 100% about Penn."

In the same conversation with Hunter, Joe Biden also said Gutmann would call him directly to let him know whether Maisy was accepted.

"If I hear before 1pm on [March 29, 2019] I'll call immediately so you can call Maisy," Joe Biden wrote. "Let me know if there's anything I can do on anything."

The influence campaign worked. Maisy Biden matriculated at the University of Pennsylvania in the fall of 2019. President Joe Biden was present in the stands four years later, when Maisy graduated with a bachelor of arts degree.

Biden's infatuation with the Ivy League goes back decades.  "There's a river of power that flows through this country," Biden said in 1988, according to a book by journalist Richard Ben Cramer. "Some people, a few, get to swim in the river all the time. … And that river flows from the Ivy League."

The Biden family had cultivated a close relationship with Gutmann by the time Joe Biden leaned on him to tip the scales for Maisy. Gutmann in 2013 awardedJoe Biden an honorary doctor of laws degree from the university and has called the president "one of our nation's foremost statesmen."

Joe and Hunter Biden held a flurry of meetings with Gutmann in 2016, emails from Hunter Biden's abandoned laptop show. In January 2016, the three met at Joe Biden's Delaware beach house, according to the emails.

In April 2016, Joe and Hunter Biden met with Gutmann at the United States Naval Observatory in Washington, D.C. Hunter Biden directed his business partner Eric Schwerin to cancel a preexisting appointment with the prime minister of the Ivory Coast so that he could attend the meeting.

"You are supposed to meet with the Ivory Coast PM at 8:30am at the Sofitel downtown. Cancel?" Schwerin wrote to Hunter Biden two days before the April 15 meeting.

"Yes I guess so—can he reschedule—the Guttman [sic] mtg is a must attend for me per Dad," Hunter Biden responded. "I need to be at NAVOBS at 9AM sharp."


The Second

Well, at least the episode shows that Joe and Hunter are dedicate family men, right?

Not so fast:

White House aides have been told during strategy meetings that the president and first lady Jill Biden have six, not seven, grandchildren, two people familiar with the discussions told the newspaper.

In April, Biden listed six of his grandchildren by name during a "take your child to work day" event at the White House.

"I have six grandchildren, and I’m crazy about them. And I speak to them every single day. Not a joke," he said at the time.

Biden has also put up Christmas stockings at the White House for six of the grandchildren, but has repeatedly left his seventh grandchild out of the annual tradition.

That would be the 4-year-old daughter of Lunden Roberts, with whom Hunter Biden had one of his many liaisons.  

The Biden went to court to keep that seventh grandchild from having Biden as her surname.

The girl is well aware of the situation. Dandy way to be embarking on life, being utterly rejected by her father and his family.

This goes far in explaining why Joe Biden has no problem vocally supporting the "right" to abortion, or why he's so zealously gotten on board with DEI and Pride Month.

He's such an utterly empty suit and dim bulb that he can't imagine we'd see that his attempts to do the devout-Catholic-and-family-man schtick and the let-thirteen-year-old-girls-get-their-breasts-chopped-off cheerleader role simultaneously just don't fit together.

Now, any Democrat reading this who wants to serve up a big dollop of whataboutism at this juncture would do well to scroll the LITD archives and check out the enormity of the verbiage I've spent showing the Very Stable Genius's utter disregard for family - indeed, for the whole notion of warmth, two-way loyalty and sincerity in any connections with other human beings.

But right now, it's time to shine the spotlight on Joe, the current president of post-America.


 



 

 

 

 


Saturday, July 1, 2023

Saturday roundup

 What I remember from my exposure to theologian Paul Tillich from my growing-up years was his formulation of God as "the Ground of Being." His name occasionally came up at the PCUSA church I attended with my family until the tenth grade (when my parents had had a bellyful of mainline Protestantism's leftward drift). But I never really checked him out.

Historian Charlie Riggs, writing at Hedgehog Review, gets us well acquainted with Tillich. 

The short version: He was a horndog in an unhappy open marriage to an atheist, fond of throwing fashionable dinner parties and fostering connections among New York's pretty people, and constantly looking to put a deep-thinker sheen on the sin ("estrangement" in his framing) he seems to have known he'd unavoidably have to account for. 

Those who fawned over him were deft at glossing over his, um, inherent contradictions:

Tillich also inspired immense loyalty and admiration among his wide circle of friends, colleagues, and confidantes. Even when they judged his sexual behavior, most agreed that it grew out of his undiscriminating sensuality and his accidental ways—and a certain kind of innocence, even—rather than any predatory instinct. Many of them, moreover, believed that Tillich’s immense gentleness and generosity was inextricably bound up with his darker side—that he represented, in his person, the very ambiguity of human nature that he described in his theology. He found himself recurrently tangled up in “situations.” Langdon Gilkey, one of Tillich’s students and a theologian in his own right, remembered him as

a lovable as well as an awesome man. There was something childlike about him, a hint of vulnerability, of near helplessness, that made even much younger persons, like graduate students or assistants, feel protective about him. He seemed (even if he may not have been) barely able to cope, near at times to panic, subject himself to the terrifying modes of angst of which he spoke with such familiarity…. This vulnerable aspect of Tillich, of course, united with his vast intellectual power and the strange magnetic vitality that emanated from him to give him extraordinary personal presence, a kind of dialectical coincidentia oppositorum which, like the universe of being he reported to us, combined at once dynamics, form, and alienation, in short both depth and mystery. His was a power of personal being that was also accessible, almost “cuddly,” and so a numinous power united with a pathos and comedy that were infinitely attractive.10

One of Tillich’s secretaries remembered him as “a contradictory mixture of sophistication and disarming naivete.”11

Here's an episode that says much about the ridiculousness of the position into which he'd put himself:

Hannah Arendt was also close to Tillich, and he impressed her with this same quality—as well as with something else, a deeper integrity. Hilde Fränkl, Tillich’s mistress and his secretary at Union Theological Seminary, was Arendt’s best friend before Fränkl’s death from cancer in 1950 (and before Mary McCarthy became Arendt’s new best friend). When Fränkl fell seriously ill in the late 1940s, Arendt and Tillich used to trade off keeping vigil in her apartment, which was across the street from the Tillichs’. Years later, after Tillich’s own death, Arendt still remembered how he had conducted himself, particularly noting his devotion to Fränkl at her deathbed. “His behavior—he was married, with all the consequent complications—toward my friend was excellent, so to speak, morally,” she wrote. “We were very close at the time, and I saw him there daily. He made a great impression on me, because I understood that, despite all the possible psychological perversities, which are very foreign to me, he was a Christian, that is, capable of Christian love.”12 The strangeness of this situation—its “wrong shape,” as Tillich put it in a letter of his own to Arendt—is worth emphasizing: a Jewish, atheist philosopher commends her friend for his “Christian love” in evading his wife to care for his mistress who is dying of cancer.13

Here's Riggs on Tillich's use of the term "estrangement":

he use of estrangement was certainly a creative leap on Tillich’s part. The word was not, as Tillich admitted elsewhere, found in scripture.5 Most of the biblical words for sin relate etymologically to recondite facets of premodern life like archery (missing the mark) or travel (straying from the path) or land ownership (trespassing) or animal husbandry (tainted livestock). Estrangement, on the other hand, was a term culled from modern philosophy. The question thus arises: Was Tillich simply substituting his own preferred and somewhat abstract concept—drawn from Marxism, psychoanalysis, and existentialism—in place of a storied and settled usage? Such has been a recurrent complaint against Tillich over the years—and not only on the question of sin. From opposite perspectives, atheists and religious conservatives have accused Tillich of grafting new, fashionable concepts onto traditional religious vocabularies so as to allow those who no longer believe the traditional doctrines to remain in spurious Christian community with those who do. Squeamish about sin? Just mentally substitute the newfangled word estrangement. Do the same thing for God (“the Ground of Being”), Christ (“the New Being”), and faith (“ultimate concern”).

Michael Lind shares some endearing recollections of "Dinners With [Patrick] Moynihan" at American Affairs Journal.  

We're now considerably removed from the second half of the twentieth century (an observation that gives away my Boomer identity, no?), so it may be helpful to younger readers to cut to the part of Lind's article in which he summarizes Moynihan's life trajectory and gives us a glimpse into where Moynihan fits in the ideological lay of the land at that time:

Daniel Patrick Moynihan (1927–2003) shared the record with Jacob Javitz for representing New York in the U.S. Senate for four terms (1977 to 2001), until Chuck Schumer set a new record by winning a fifth term in 2022. Moynihan had come a long way from his birthplace in Tulsa, Oklahoma. When his alcoholic father deserted the family, Moynihan as a boy moved to Manhattan with his mother, who tended bar in Hell’s Kitchen, then a heavily Irish American slum. During the Depression, the young Moynihan shined shoes and worked as a longshoreman before attending City College of New York, which charged no tuition.

His service in the Navy during World War II allowed him to attend Tufts University, where he received two undergraduate degrees—one in naval science and one in sociology—and an MA from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy as well as a PhD in history. His education included a Fulbright scholarship to the London School of Economics (LSE). Being a member of New York governor Averell Harriman’s staff led to his marriage to a fellow staffer, Elizabeth Brennan, and to service in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. In 1965, as an appointee in the Labor Department, he wrote the still controversial report “The Negro Family: The Case for National Action.”

Leaving the Johnson administration, he taught at Wesleyan and Harvard, and like many of the liberals who later became known as neoconservatives, he grew increasingly antagonistic toward the radical Left. Still a Democrat, Moynihan joined the Nixon administration as an adviser, and served as U.S. ambassador to India (a post held in the Kennedy years by another eminent liberal intellectual, John Kenneth Galbraith). His time as an eloquent and fiery U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, where he defended the United States and denounced resolutions equating Zionism with racism, made him a celebrity and helped him to win one of the two U.S. Senate seats from New York in 1976.

This kind of impressive cursus honorum is typically achieved by bland careerists with conventional opinions. But Moynihan was a controversial and highly original public intellectual as well as an appointed and elected official at the highest levels, writing books that bear rereading today, including Beyond the Melting Pot, with Nathan Glazer (1963), Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Ac­tion in the War on Poverty (1969), On the Law of Nations (1990), Pandaemonium: Ethnicity in International Politics (1994), and Secrecy: The American Experience (1998). While Moynihan admired Woodrow Wilson as a champion of liberal internationalism, he more closely re­sembled Theodore Roosevelt in his range of intellectual interests—and he shared what Roosevelt’s daughter Alice described as her father’s wish “to be the corpse at every funeral, the bride at every wedding and the baby at every christening.”

Lind says there was a pattern to the circumstances in which Moynihan would call him up to suggest breaking some bread:


"Lind,” the voice on the phone told me one day in the mid-1990s, “I’ve been talking trash all day with Al D’Amato. Can you meet me tonight for dinner?”

That is how dinners or lunches with Daniel Patrick Moynihan typically came about. My phone would ring and a secretary would tell me, “Please hold for Senator Moynihan.” Then the familiar voice in those familiar clipped tones would say something like the sentence above—or, to use an example from another occasion: “Michael, I’ve been listening to Donna Shalala [Bill Clinton’s Secretary of Health and Human Services] testify all morning and I need a break. Can you meet me at two o’clock?”

Why would he call Lind in particular?

From 1991 until his death in 2003, Daniel Patrick Moynihan invited me to dinner with him once or twice a year. He never invited anyone else on these occasions and never discussed anything personal. He wanted an intellectual sparring partner, I came to realize, and I did what I could to carry out that demanding assignment.


I look forward to Fridays, when Ben Sears posts his weekly POETS! Day installment at Ordinary Times.  He has one of those writing styles in which he takes his sweet time over several paragraphs setting the table for a look at the poet he's featuring. Here's how he approached Amy Clampitt yesterday:

I’m not feeling terribly Christian at the moment.

My grumpy old man mood began when The Norton Anthology of Modern and Contemporary Poetry, Vol. 2 caused a trip inside for a comparison with my high school copy of The Norton Anthology of English Literature. I was very comfortably reading in my backyard and the need for comparison annoyed me to no end.

I needed to check some of the footnotes in my high school book. Not a specific footnote; any would do. I flipped to The Canturbury Tales. “The holy blissful martyr for to seeke” with a superscript seven after martyr led the reader to “7. St. Thomas a Becket, murdered in Canturbury Cathedral in 1170.”

That was helpful. I’m eight hundred and fifty years removed from that last breath and just over six hundred from when Chaucer would assume that if he said “holy blissful martyr” the reader would think “Becket.” Without the footnote I might confuse Chaucer’s martyr with Spenser’s “And holy Martyrs often doen to dye,” which I’m kindly informed by Norton’s means “1. Probably a reference to Herod’s massacre of the Innocents (Matthew 2.16), traditionally viewed as the first martyrs for Christ.” Helpful stuff.

What sent me looking was a footnote I read in the Anthology of Modern and Contemporary. In Amy Clampitt’s “Hispaniola” there’s the line “brought to Alexander” with a little four after Alexander. “4. Macedonian emperor (365-323 B.C.E.).” I was so staggered by the apparent state of education that I didn’t bother rolling my eyes at B.C.E.

I like anthologies. Not as an end. Books put out by poets are almost always better than collections or anthologies for the same reason that albums are better than greatest hits. But anthologies are great for – I so badly want to write “poetaster” – sampling before you buy. A few Plath poems leads to reading Ariel, a few Rossetti Poems leads to reading Goblin Market and Other Poems, etc.. They work kinda like a shopping center where an anchor store like Walmart draws people in and Applebee’s plus a few CPAP shops benefit from the traffic. Feature Eliot and Auden and fill in with contemporaries most people would never otherwise come across. That’s how I found Amy Clampitt yesterday.

The downside to anthologies is dealing with Millicent. If you’re not familiar with her, Millicent is a recent liberal arts graduate whose podiatrist father and intellectual property lawyer mother, fearing having her laying around the house for another few years, called in a few favors and set her up with a non-taxing but interesting sounding, at least to the parent’s inquiring friends at the country club, internship in the publishing industry in New York. Last night, like every night, she stumbled into her apartment at 3 am, full of apple martinis and the cratering aftermath of too many energizing trips to the bathroom. By 9, she’s at her work desk groggily snarling her way through the pile of unsolicited submissions her bosses deemed unimportant enough to entrust to her. Or something like that.

Millicent is the creation of Anne Mini at Anne Mini’s Blog, but the character has taken on a life of her own in the minds of some (see above.) She’s the boogey man. A noise in the dark. A fiend writers use to scare their children: “Be good or Millicent will get you.” Mini’s blog is a great source of information about getting published. Writers need to write well, invent wonderful stories, be clever, be original, and all the stuff your high school English teacher who elongated the vowels in “transcendentalists” told you good writers do. But none of that matters if you can’t do the most important thing: Get past Millicent.

The Millicent that haunts me does side jobs writing copy; all the small descriptors and blurbs that are important to a publication but get done by underlings because they don’t make people want to have sex with the author. I learned to spot intern writing when I was employed as a wine buyer. I read a lot of reviews. If a red scored less than 90 the descriptions that followed contained “Bouquet”, “flinty”, “hints of”, “cassis”, “bold”, “malolactic”, and the like in no set order. Put words in a bag, shake, and give to the intern to type up.

I saw Millicent’s hand in the Norton Anthology of Modern and Contemporary Poetry, Vol 2introduction to Amy Clampitt.

I read outside of Norton’s. Clampitt didn’t publish until her fifties. In 1974, she released Multides, Multides and became a regular poetic voice in The New Yorker but it was the publication of The Kingfisher in 1983 fixed her as an important voice in American poetry.

I’ve only read a sampling from her body of work, but I can see a few themes in her writing. Millicent says “Her poems often evoke complex resemblances between seemingly incongruous subjects.” That’s true. Clampitt uses metaphors.

In “Beethoven, Opus 111” she compares the composer writing music he strains to hear to her father working towards something he might never realize. Her father,

driving somewhere in Kansas or Colarado,
in dustbowl country, stopped the car
to dig up by the roots a flower
he’d never seen before – a kind
of prickly poppy most likely, its luminousness
wounding the blank plains like desire.
He mentioned in a letter the disappointment
of his having hoped in might transplant –
an episode that brings me near tears,
still, even as his dying does not –

She continues with the “seemingly incongruous subjects,”

Beethoven, shut up with the four walls
of his deafness, rehearsing the unhearable
semplice e cantabile, somehow reconstituting
the blister shirt of the intolerable
into these shakes and triplets, a hurrying
into flowering along fencerows: dying,
for my father, came to be like that
finally – in its messages the levitation
of serenity, as though the spirit might
aspire, in its last act.

In “The Kingfisher,” the titular poem from her breakout book, she writes,

Among the Bronx Zoo’s exiled jungle fowl, they heard
through headphones of a separating panic, the bellbird
reiterate its single chong, a scream nobody answered.

 

At Public Discourse, sociologist Mark Regnerus examines "What the Surge in LGBTQ Self-Identity Means":

. . . there has been a surge in LGBTQ self-identification among young adults who do not display homosexual behavior. That’s right. New Gallup data analyses put the LGBT figure among Zoomers (i.e., those born between 1997 and 2012) at 20 percent. Data from the General Social Survey—a workhorse biennial survey administered since 1972—reveal that the share of LGBTQ Americans under age 30 exploded from 4.8 percent in 2010 to 16.3 percent in 2021. No matter the data source, it’s clear that in 11 short years, LGBTQ identification among young Americans tripled. And yet under-30 non-heterosexual behavioral experience, while climbing, remains just over half that figure, at 8.6 percent (in 2021).

Sexual behavior once comprised the key distinction to homosexuality. Homosexuality, however, has given way to ideological and political self-identity. In light of this shift away from using behavior to self-identity in defining homosexuality, LGBTQ antagonism to the Dobbs decision starts to make more sense. In fact, we should have seen it coming. In a study published last year in the Archives of Sexual Behavior, my coauthor Brad Vermurlen and I found that the key predictor of adult attitudes about treating adolescent gender dysphoria with hormones or surgery—a topic you might not equate with abortion rights—was not age, political affiliation, education, sexual orientation, or religion. The best predictor was whether the respondent considered themselves pro-choice about abortion.

This surprised us. In hindsight, it shouldn’t have. Opinions about abortion and gender medicine tend to turn on basic differences in how people understand the human person, their own body, others’ bodies, and the very ends for which we exist. Sociologist James Davison Hunter mapped this out in his 1991 book Culture Wars. In what he described then as the “progressive” worldview, bodily autonomy is paramount. We determine who we are, and we should be free to do so through body modification and the control and redirection of bodily processes. In what Hunter called the “orthodox” worldview, on the other hand, bodily integrity trumps autonomy and self-determination. As the Heidelberg Catechism famously opens, we are not our own, but belong—body and soul—to our savior Jesus Christ. Bodies—systems, parts, organs, and processes—have natural purposes and ends toward which they are objectively ordered. They are to be received as a gift. The two are strikingly different perspectives about the self.

Just this morning, via Substack Notes (a social-media platform for Substack writers, where I'm making the acquaintance of some lively minds), I got turned on to a guy who has only written three posts so far, but they're so good that I've subscribed in anticipation of more. The Blue Scholar will be the repository of observations from Nathaniel Marshall, a guy from a family of tradesmen who was about as handy growing up as - well, me. He did this and that for a living, but, with his pastor serving as a catalyst, wound up becoming a plumber. I'll let him tell the story in his post "The Work Begins":

I am, by trade, a plumber. I currently serve as a full-time plumbing instructor for my employer’s trade academy, the same employer I began with in June of 2015, long before our academy existed. Through my time in the field as a residential service plumber, my time in our office at various levels of management, and now as someone privileged to pass on knowledge of this trade to those who have quite literally never seen a pair of pliers before, I’ve had opportunities to think about what work means and that pretty much sums up the essence of The Blue Scholar: exploring the meaning of work, primarily and especially (but not exclusively) manual labor.

I’m writing this post from the comfort of a local Irish pub on a computer covered in stickers that read things like “Cubicles Suck”, “Sausage Fingers Club”, and “Dirty Hands, Clean Money”. I don’t think you could have convinced me ten years ago that one day you’d find me either in a pub or with those particular stickers unironically stuck to my laptop, but here we are. There’s a lot about my life that has been unexpected, but perhaps nothing more unexpected than the discovery that plumbing has taken on a meaning for me that is in some way foundational to my identity, a meaning that penetrates – and this is no exaggeration – to every facet of my being. My moral faculties, the way I move through space and time, my emotions, my thought life, my relationship to my neighbors, my ability to support my family, my hopes for the future, my religious sensibilities, my place in the wider community and society, my achy back and the scarred-up hands to which my sausage fingers find themselves attached: nothing in my life remains untouched by labor.

And this inclusive scope, this comprehensive integration of my whole being, this near-exhaustive influence on how I exist in the world, hasn’t yet ceased to fascinate me. I don’t know that it ever will.

A few months ago I found myself looking not just for books on work, but for more formal reviews of those texts. I know that as a plumber who thinks about his work with philosophical, theological, economic, social, and political lenses, I’m a bit of an odd duck, but I had assumed that the internet’s capacity to aggregate those with niche perspectives into networks that would otherwise not exist in the non-digital world due to their rarity in a given geographic radius would have done its work and led to the creation of a website with these kinds of thoughtful reviews. Reviews of books and essays from the perspective of reflective tradespeople must certainly be out there, mustn’t they?!

Apparently not.

“Well,” I thought, “if such a website doesn’t exist, then maybe I should make it. But what to call it?” A number of names presented themselves to me, but most came across as too long, too forgettable, or else almost abhorrently (and unintentionally) elitest. It was my younger brother, a welder, who said to me, “Dude, it’s sitting right in front of us: blue collar scholar.”

“BLUE SCHOLAR,” I responded in all caps. Brilliant. Since “collar” is said when pronouncing “scholar”, I felt I could get away with removing “collar” from between “blue” and “scholar” while still getting the point across in a pithy, poignant way.

Speaking of Substack, I have some recent posts at Precipice.

Yesterday, I was motivated by the three Supreme Court rulings of the last few days - the ones having to do with affirmative action, student loan forgiveness and providing wedding services for same-sex couples - to take an in-depth look at rights - how the human species honed in on a common understanding of what they are, and what, by definition, they can't be.

My June 20th post is entitled "Expressing Faith Without Insipid Platitudes," in which I posit that apologetics has to be a strong component in Christians' mounting of a persuasive explanation of what they believe.




 


 

 


 

 

 

 

 

Friday, June 30, 2023

Two more excellent Supreme Court rulings

 This:

The Supreme Court on Friday invalidated President Joe Biden’s student loan debt relief plan, meaning the long-delayed proposal intended to implement a campaign trail promise will not go into effect.

The justices, divided 6-3 on ideological lines, ruled in one of two cases that the program was an unlawful exercise of presidential power because it had not been explicitly approved by Congress.

The court rejected the Biden administration's arguments that the plan was lawful under a 2003 law called the Higher Education Relief Opportunities for Students Act, or HEROES Act. The law says the government can provide relief to recipients of student loans when there is a “national emergency,” allowing it to act to ensure people are not in “a worse position financially” as a result of the emergency.

Chief Justice John Roberts said the HEROES Act language was not specific enough, writing that the court's precedent "requires that Congress speak clearly before a department secretary can unilaterally alter large sections of the American economy."

The plan, which would have allowed eligible borrowers to cancel up to $20,000 in debt and would have cost more than $400 billion, has been blocked since the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals issued a temporary hold in October.

About 43 million Americans would have been eligible to participate.

The student loan proposal is important politically to Biden, as tackling student loan debt was a key pledge he made on the campaign trail in 2020 to energize younger voters.


And this:

The Supreme Court ruled Friday that an evangelical Christian web designer could not be forced to work on wedding sites celebrating same-sex couples because it would violate her First Amendment right against compelled speech.

The 6-3 decision settled the 2016 case brought by Lorie Smith, 39, who sued the Colorado Civil Rights Commission over the state’s anti-discrimination laws that barred her from advertising that she won’t create websites for couples of the same sex. 

But the high court found that to compel Smith to make sites “celebrating other marriages she does not” would be “an impermissible abridgment of the First Amendment’s right to speak freely,” Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote for the majority.

Under Colorado’s Anti-Discrimination Act, businesses are barred from denying the public goods and services based on race, gender, sexual orientation and religion — and they can’t post notices doing so either.

But Smith — a married mother of one who owns graphic design firm 303 Creative LLC — has claimed the Centennial State law clashes with her right to refuse business that conflicts with her religious beliefs.

 Some thoughts:

  • The student loan forgiveness scheme was rank redistribution. The money owed doesn't just go away. The obligation to pay it back is merely shifted to taxpayers.
  • As I noted last August, this was bound to become a court case. Biden never offered even a  flimsy attempt at justifying a purely executive-branch move. Congress was completely sidelined.
  • As I also noted then, student loan forgiveness encourages a shrugging-off-responsibility mindset throughout our society. If a precedent is set, how long is it before progressive policy types start opining that car loans and home loans need forgiving? It erodes the principle at the heart of the free market: that an economic transaction occurs when two parties, a buyer and seller, agree on the value of the good or service to bee exchanged, and each understands the obligations he or she is undertaking.
  • Administrative bloat is the main reason the cost of higher education has gone up so much.
  • Let's nip in the bud any notion that taking a pass on providing wedding services for a same-sex couple is discrimination in the sense that denying lodging, a restaurant table, or the opportunity to look at houses to buy in particular neighborhoods was when racial bigotry met little challenge in this country. There is no explanation for such denials but bigotry. Romans 1 and Leviticus 18 and 20 are, for Christians, God-breathed pronouncements about wrong ways for human beings to use their sexuality. 
  • All three of these decisions came down 6 -3, as was entirely predictable.
  • No, this doesn't mean the Very Stable Genius was a great president. Any Republican president circa 2017 - 2020 would have made similarly great federal court appointments.
In many ways, these decisions and the one yesterday regarding affirmative action offer us an opportunity to revisit the whole concept of rights - what a right is, what, by definition, cannot be a right, how humankind came to get clear about these matters. I think this will be the subject of my next Precipice post, which I shall spend the afternoon composing. 

Thursday, June 29, 2023

Thoughts on Ketanji Brown Jackson's dissent in the SCOTUS affirmative action decision

 First, although I'm assuming LITD readers are up to speed on the story that will be driving the news cycle this evening, here's the gist of what went down:

The Supreme Court on Thursday struck down affirmative action programs at the University of North Carolina and Harvard in a major victory for conservative activists, ending the systematic consideration of race in the admissions process.

The court ruled that both programs violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution and are therefore unlawful. The vote was 6-3 in the UNC case and 6-2 in the Harvard case, in which liberal Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson was recused.

Now, the short version of my reaction to Jackson's dissent: disappointment. I'd extended grace when she was confirmed to the court. I'd genuinely hoped she would have more depth as a jurist than to be the you-bet-race-is-an-undeniable-factor-in-American-legal-considerations voice.

Alas, that seems to be exactly the role she's assumed:

“Given the lengthy history of state-sponsored, race-based preferences in America, to say that anyone is now victimized if a college considers whether that legacy of discrimination has unequally advantaged its applicants fails to acknowledge the well-documented ‘intergenerational transmission of inequality’ that still plagues our citizenry.”

And

“With let-them-eat-cake obliviousness, today, the majority pulls the ripcord and announces ‘colorblindness for all’ by legal fiat,” she wrote. “But deeming race irrelevant in law does not make it so in life. And having so detached itself from this country’s actual past and present experiences, the Court has now been lured into interfering with the crucial work that UNC and other institutions of higher learning are doing to solve America’s real-world problems.”

Look, it's obvious that black Americans, taken collectively, bear sociocultural distinctions within the overall national fabric. I'd be the last person to deny that. The recognizable marks of black contribution to that fabric, in terms of music, food, colloquial customs and speech are as strong as those for the various ethnicities and nationalities that came here voluntarily. And that - the fact that most black Americans' ancestors did not come here voluntarily - means that those marks must be regarded in ways the others are not. 

But the assumption behind the American experiment is that the sovereign individual is much more than the trappings of the circumstances that help define who she or he is. 

Furthermore, the whole notion of law is based on fairness. A person ought to be able to assume that he or she will have his or her case heard by the entity in our society with a monopoly on the legitimate use of force  - that is, government  - in an impartial manner. 

That means that the law must disregard questions of who had what kind of leg up at birth or during one's upbringing. The law must assume each one of us is a creature of agency, capable of exercising the faculties that differentiate human beings from lower animals when making choices. 

This is what Jackson's colleague Clarence Thomas gets at in his opinion which concurs with the majority's:

In his concurring opinion, Thomas called out Jackson for her focus on "the historical subjugation of black Americans, invoking statistical racial gaps to argue in favor of defining and categorizing individuals by their race."

"As she sees things, we are all inexorably trapped in a fundamentally racist society, with the original sin of slavery and the historical subjugation of black Americans still determining our lives today," Thomas wrote.

"I strongly disagree," Thomas said.

Jackson thinks, in a subsequent footnote, she's setting Thomas straight:

"The takeaway is that those who demand that no one think about race [a classic pink-elephant paradox] refuse to see, much less solve for, the elephant in the room—the race-linked disparities that continue to impede achievement of our great Nation's full potential," Jackson's footnote reads.

In her own dissent of the UNC case, Jackson pointed to a number of statistics that show the wealth and health disparities between white and Black Americans, arguing, "Today's gaps exist because that freedom was denied far longer than it was ever afforded." Jackson warned that the majority opinion "will delay the day that every American has an equal opportunity to thrive, regardless of race."


See what she does there? She winds up using collectivist, demographics-based phenomena to try to justify the law performing tweaks on the bedrock notion of individuals standing before the law as such. 

And then there's the feigned pity which is at the core of what affirmative action, certainly in 2023 America, is all about, as articulated by Glenn Loury:

Racial preferences persist because they represent the path of least resistance. If an administrator of a selective institution saw that blacks were a minuscule percent of his student body, he would want to change that. If he found that admitting African-American students at a lower percentile of performance would ease his public-relations problem, then he would do it. But when thousands of people in that same situation make the same decision and place it beyond criticism, the goal of equality suffers. Failing to address ourselves to the developmental disparities manifest in test scores, as well as failing to change the dynamics of human development at the root of black underrepresentation in elite and selective venues, means failing to solve the inequality problem.

Head counts are no substitute for performance, and everyone knows it. No policy can paper over the racial dimension of academic disparities. True equality would seek to remedy the foundational circumstances reflected in the underrepresentation of African-Americans at the Bronx High School of Science, Brooklyn Tech, Holy Cross, or Harvard. I’m for racial equality, not patronization. Don’t patronize my people, inflict on us the consequences of a soft bigotry of low expectations, or presume that we’re not capable of manifesting excellence in the same way as any other people. Don’t judge blacks by a different standard.

Two competing narratives exist to explain racial inequality: a bias narrative and a development narrative. The bias narrative holds that, even today, white supremacy and institutional racism keep black people from gaining entry into elite and selective venues and that the remedy for this is affirmative action. This was correct half a century ago. But does any serious person today really believe that Brown University, where I teach, is a racist institution? Does any serious person believe that the bias narrative accounts for what, in the absence of racial preferences, would be the relatively low number of African-Americans at Harvard, while Asian-American students there are excelling at some of the most difficult intellectual tasks that humans can be asked to perform? I don’t think so.

The development narrative holds instead that realities of racial inequality are a consequence of underdevelopment. That underdevelopment certainly has a genealogy rooted in bias. Historically, blacks were not afforded equal opportunity in the housing market, were not given a fair chance to accumulate wealth, and didn’t inherit from their ancestors that to which they were due, because their ancestors were enslaved and not compensated properly for their labor. Some of the social and cultural factors that might impair the development of black intellectual performance have their roots in this history. But the problem of inequality for African-Americans today is not mainly the expression of a racist society. And jiggering the test-score standards for people to get into elite institutions is not a remedy for it.

So, in the first highly charged SCOTUS case having to do with race since she came on board, Jackson has let me down. I wanted to think maybe she had the fealty-to-what-the-Consituition-says chops to not be some kind of Ibram X. Kendi-type race hustler. 

I guess not.