Monday, August 28, 2023

Take it from Britain, folks: net zero amounts to government telling you to adjust your lifestyle, and play-like energy forms won't be able to step in and keep you warm

 Over in Albion, government is "recommending" "behavior change" to the subjects and folks need to step it up with making those changes :

this news (via the Daily Telegraph) is another reminder of how net zero is a step back:

Millions of families will be urged by a green quango not to heat their homes in the evening to help the Government hit its net zero target.

The Climate Change Committee (CCC) said people should turn off their radiators at peak times as part of a wider drive to deliver “emissions savings”.

In a document on “behaviour change” the body recommended Britons “pre-heat” their houses in the afternoon when electricity usage is lower.

It said the move would save families money, but critics suggested the real reason was that renewables will not be able to provide enough energy to cope with peak demand.

“Critics” are almost certainly correct.

quango (for those who don’t speak British-English) is, to quote Wikipedia,

an organisation to which a government has devolved power, but which is still partly controlled and/or financed by government bodies. The term was originally a shortening of “quasi autonomous NGO”, where NGO is the acronym for a non-government organization.

The CCC, explains the Daily Telegraph’s Nick Gutteridge,

is an independent body set up by ministers in 2008 to advise the Government on how to hit its climate targets.

In its latest report, the committee criticises No 10 over its “worryingly slow” action on climate.

It states that Downing Street’s support for new oil and coal exploration and the expansion of airports meant Britain was no longer a global green leader.

“No longer a global green leader.”


And this little aspect of the situation points up something I've long observed: that hypocrisy becomes a problem when pointy-headed overlords aren't doing what they'r telling the subject to do. It's especially galling when they admit that it's because they can't afford to:

The CCC, it seems, still clings to some remnant of British imperial nostalgia. And, as for its “independence,” all that that means is that the CCC has become a playground for climate fundamentalists. It also advises the U.K. government on an “appropriate” level for its “carbon budgets.” It is largely unaccountable, apart from the occasional embarrassment.

The Daily Telegraph:

The use of “carbon budgets”, which set the Government legally binding targets for reducing emissions, has increasingly come under fire from Tory MPs.

Last month the head of the CCC revealed that he still has a gas boiler in his own flat even though his committee is urging Britons to switch to heat pumps.

Chris Stark said more than four years ago that he was “keen” to switch to an electric heating system but admitted that he had not been able to do so.

He also acknowledged that heat pumps were too expensive for many people and that it was “very difficult” to install them in existing flats like his own.

Oh.

The reason why this issue needs to be front and center is not because there's some need for urgency in addressing a climate "crisis." It's because the overlords are bringing human advancement, comfort and convenience to a screaming halt. 

 

 

Friday, August 25, 2023

BRICS is starting to take on a more discernible identity

 . . . and one that ought to concern the West and its allies throughout the world:

The BRICS bloc of developing nations agreed on Thursday to admit Saudi Arabia, Iran, Ethiopia, Egypt, Argentina and the United Arab Emirates in a move aimed at accelerating its push to reshuffle a world order it sees as outdated.

In deciding in favour of an expansion - the bloc's first in 13 years - BRICS leaders left the door open to future enlargement as dozens more countries voiced interest in joining a grouping they hope can level the global playing field.

The expansion adds economic heft to BRICS, whose current members are China, the world's second largest economy, as well as Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa. It could also amplify its declared ambition to become a champion of the Global South.

Some factors could mitigate the drive toward unity:

But long-standing tensions could linger between members who want to forge the grouping into a counterweight to the West - notably China, Russia and now Iran - and those that continue to nurture close ties to the United States and Europe.

But what esprit de corps it's feeling right now is not something that smells very fragrant.

China's Xi is pretty fired up about the expansion. He no doubt sees it as an opportunity to breathe new life into the Belt and Road Initiative.  South Africa's Ramaphosa's public statement focuses on the more-fair-and-just-world-stage rhetoric. Putin, who attended remotely, also took the nicey-nice tack, saying BRICS isn't out to compete with anyone. No, that's not the Putinist way. He just invades.

As with any geostrategic development, things will not proceed in a linear fashion, but this is not a bunch united by any kind of vision with a recognizably moral component.

 

 

Sunday, August 20, 2023

Sunday roundup

 I'm going to do what I can to resist the temptation to tease you with the customary generous excerpts from the pieces I recommend, because there are so many of them. You'd be here at LITD forever instead of checking out the actual essays. But they're all important reading, so do that.

Anyway, herewith:

As I said in a text to my pastor when I sent him this one, it pretty much sums up the thrust of what I’m trying to get at with Precipice. Really, LITD as well. It's entitled "The Gift of Creaturely Dependence." It's by Jordan Hillebert, Director of Formation and Tutor in Theology at St. Pardans Institute at Cardiff University, and it appears at Church Life Journal.

Well, I'm already going to break the rule I've set for myself:

The modern project has been animated, to a large extent, by a resentment of dependence—a revolt against the creaturely conditions and cultural constraints that have shaped and thereby limited our pursuits of self-fulfillment. This antipathy for dependence is not, of course, an exclusively modern phenomenon. Indeed, as the opening chapters of the book of Genesis seem to suggest, it was an important feature of humanity’s original undoing: the desire to claim for oneself that which was always already available in the form of a divine gift. In modernity, however, this resentment has become something like a defining principle.

Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) thus defines and commends “enlightenment” as the ability to think for oneself without lazily or fearfully submitting to the guidance of others. The motto of the Enlightenment, Kant declares, is “Sapere aude! Have courage to use your own understanding!’[1] Writing half a century later from the other side of the Atlantic (and giving voice to that distinct brand of individualism which has long characterized the American mythos), Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882) extols self-reliance as the highest ideal, the most “godlike” of all human traits. “Trust thyself,” Emerson insists, “every heart vibrates to that iron string.” One must abide by her own convictions without regard for communal expectations or social conventions, for society everywhere conspires against the creative self-expression of its individual members.[2]

This resentment is taken to its extreme in the writings of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), for whom the will to power is the all-consuming “good.” For Nietzsche, the individual is (or at least ought to be) a law unto himself, answerable to no higher standard and accountable to no one else. Human existence is, for Nietzsche, the endless drive of self-assertion in pursuit of ever greater power and “efficiency.”[3]

We encounter a less sophisticated, though arguably more influential, version of the modern disdain of dependence in the fiction and essays of Ayn Rand (1905-1982), whose writings have been championed by a number of prominent Anglo-American economists and politicians on the right as offering the most convincing “moral” argument for laissez-faire capitalism. The world portrayed in works like The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged is one in which the heroism of creative individualism is constantly under threat by government intervention and the parasitism of the weak. “The second-hander [one who depends on the ingenuity of another] has used altruism as a weapon of exploitation,” declares the protagonist of The Fountainhead, Howard Roark, “and reversed the base of mankind’s moral principles. Men have been taught every precept that destroys the creator [the innovator and entrepreneur]. Men have been taught that dependence is a virtue.”[4]

Sapere aude! Trust thyself! The will to power! Individualism! What becomes of a people motivated primarily by such ideals? To begin, the resentment of dependence quickly gives rise to resentment of the dependent. The privileging of self-reliance as the highest human ideal inevitably diminishes and dehumanizes those whose lives are most transparently in need of the care and support of others. The impoverished are thus scorned as mere “takers” of public resources, while the elderly, the ill, and the disabled are often portrayed as (and made to feel like) burdens on their family and caregivers. This conflation of dependence and the dependent as a common object of resentment is already evident in the writings of Rand and Nietzsche. According to Rand, those at the bottom of “the intellectual pyramid,” those who, left to themselves, would “starve in [their] hopeless ineptitude,” contribute nothing to those above them, damning the strong instead to a pattern of exploitation.[5]

For Nietzsche, meanwhile, nothing threatens the will to power more than pity. “The weak and the botched shall perish,” he declares. “And they ought even to be helped to perish.”[6] To do otherwise, to have compassion on the weak, would only spread the disease of their suffering. It is not surprising, therefore, that both thinkers express hostility towards Christianity, which Rand disparages as “the best kindergarten for Communism possible,” and Nietzsche as “the revolt of all things that crawl on their bellies against everything that is lofty.” The will to power cannot pray nor render praise to a God who takes the form of a slave (Phil 2:7) and identifies explicitly with “the least of these” (Matt 25:40).

The dependent—those broadly assumed to receive more than they give to others—may be the most obvious victims of the modern idolization of independence, but they are scarcely the only ones. Disdain for dependence threatens both our common human life and, as we have become all too painfully aware in recent years, the world we inhabit together. It leads us to see others as either irrelevant to our pursuits of self-fulfillment (in which case they can be safely ignored), or as a threat to self-fulfillment (in which case they must be heroically overcome), or as instrumental to our fulfillment (in which case they become absorbed into our own projects of self-actualization). Missing in every case is that sense of responsibility for others that arises from the awareness of our interdependence.

The resentment of dependence leads likewise to the exploitation of the natural world. Impatient with the limits we encounter in the world around us (the time between harvests, the carrying capacity of the land, the slow growth to maturation in livestock, etc.), we employ every political, economic, and technological means available to mitigate our dependence on nature’s limits. Increased agricultural inputs (synthetic pesticides and fertilizers) lead to quicker and more bountiful harvests. Global trade and the growing hegemony of supra-national corporations allow for the consumption of a greater number of goods without the constraints of local seasons and climate. Advances in biotechnology (the use of growth hormones and genetic modification) enable a swifter transition from calf to beef.

In the short term, therefore, it would appear that we have indeed successfully circumvented the laws and limits of nature, enabling greater production, consumption, and ultimately profit. We are however now witnessing the first fruits of the disastrous long-term effects of such an exploitative and “extractivist” approach. The chemical warfare that we have waged against agricultural pests and diseases has poisoned our water and soil in turn. The hormones that we have infused into our livestock have greatly diminished their health and increased their suffering. The gross amounts of fossil fuel required to transport “out of season” produce across oceans and continents has polluted the air and contributed to the planet’s warming. In short, our attempts to transcend the limits of nature have greatly increased the natural limitations that now confront us (more extreme weather events, fewer natural “resources,” depleted topsoil, etc.). We are increasingly enslaved to the very conditions that we have introduced into nature in our pursuit of greater independence from nature.

None of this should come as a surprise to those steeped in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. At root, the resentment of dependence is a resentment of our own creatureliness. It is destructive precisely because it is untrue, placing us in contradiction with the order of things that God has made. To be a creature is to belong within a network of interdependent relations which are created and sustained by God, and which find their fulfilment in the loving praise of God (e.g., Psalm 148:3–5; cf. Psalm 124; 140). Human flourishing is therefore bound up with the flourishing of this created order. To rebel against our creatureliness, to seek to place ourselves over and above (and thus ultimately against) the created order is to alienate ourselves from our creator and from the network of creaturely relations through which we are formed and to which we are, in an important sense, responsible.


It goes on. He draws Dietrich Bonhoeffer and Henri de Lubac into the making of his point, the conclusion of which is - well, the theme that preoccupies me these days: the flouting of the transcendent order.


And, dang it, I gotta excerpt this one at some length, too. Ben Sears is one of my fellow contributors to Ordinary Times whose stuff is always among my must-reads. On Fridays, he does installments of a series, each one featuring a poet he's been thinking about and reading. Last week it was Kingsley Amis:

In a letter to his former roommate Kingsley Amis, Philip Larkin writes with admiring jealousy. “I mean, you’ve become what I dreamed of becoming, and I don’t suppose you ever dreamed of being a librarian. If I’m so good why don’t they pay me enough money to go to some southern beach and lie on my belly (or someone else’s)? Eh?”

He was referring to the notorious incident on an Italian beach where Amis’s soon to be ex-wife, having just found out about yet another affair, wrote in lipstick on his sleeping back “1 Fat Englishman. I F*** Anything.” Her suntan epigram gave us the title of his subsequent novel, One Fat Englishman.

The two friends were opposites in some ways – Larkin’s balding, awkward, and dumpy to Amis’s dashing, fair haired, and suave – but both were alike in that they were cads, and puerilely so, though Larkin had to work harder at it, as he writes in “A Letter to a Friend About Girls”:

My mortification at your pushovers,
Your mystification at my fecklessness—

and

Described on Sundays only, where to want
Is straightway to be wanted, seek to find,
And no one gets upset or seems to mind
At what you say to them, or what you don’t:
A world where all the nonsense is annulled,

And beauty is accepted slang for yes.

He apparently made seduction, made everything, look easy though he was very disciplined in his writing. He worked at his craft. It may not seem like much but he insisted on five hundred words output every day. In his life he published over forty books, mostly novels, but including six volumes of poetry, collections of essays (New Maps of Hell is not to be missed by science fiction fans), usage manuals, and collections of shorter fiction. I’ve read a handful and found them all to be deceptive in their simplicity but consistent in that the voice he uses in mystery is known to the reader of his fiction which is known to the reader of his poetry. The smirk is ever-present.

I’ve tried to square his caddishness with what else I know of him. The Penguin Modern Classics edition of his Collected Poems is helpful in many regards. First, from it I learned that there is a whole branch of divination based on allum. It surprised me, though it shouldn’t have. Cromyomancy. Divination by means of onions.

Green Heart

Cromyomancy carves out a preview
And a foretaste of you:
Brittle as gold-leaf the outer skin,
Firmness within;
Peach or strawberry;
The heart will grow.

From the beginning, tears flow,
But of no rage or grief:
Wise cromyomancers know
Weeping augers belief.

Second, the introduction by Clive James frames the collection as a “richly various expression of a moral personality coming to terms with the world.” The poems, as selected and laid out by Amis, are chronological. Development, poetically, from Audenworship through emergence of his own distinct voice, and conscientiously is apparent.

He doesn’t, strictly from a reading of his poems, repudiate his choices, of which I’m glad. I like my rogues unrepentant. He accepts his temptations as a fixture in life and assumes that we all suffer from the same discreditable wants. The trick in life is not in banishing your demons, but in making them a plaything of the mind; keeping them at bay and going on about life in an upright way.

“Look, if they knew me, well and good, / There might be cause to run;” he writes in “Sight Unseen.” But he tells us what runs through his mind. In “A Dream of Fair Women”:

Speech fails them, amorous, but each one’s look
Endorsed in other ways, begs me to sign
Her body’s autograph book;
‘Me first, Kingsley; I’m cleverest’ each declares,
But no gourmet races downstairs to dine,
Nor will I race upstairs.

He’s not confessional so much as matter of fact.

Coming of Age

Twenty years ago he slipped into town,
A spiritual secret agent; took
Rooms right in the cathedral close; wrote down
Verbatim all their direst idioms;
Made phonetic transcripts in his black book;
Mimicked their dress, their gestures as they sat
Chaffering and chaffing in the Grand Hotel;
Infiltrated their glass and plastic homes,
Watched from the inside; then – his deadliest blow –
Went and married one of them (what about that?);
At the first christening played his part so well
That he started living it from then on,
His trick of camouflage no longer a trick.
Isn’t it the spy’s rarest triumph to grow
Indistinguishable from the spied upon,
The stick insect’s to become a stick?

In addition to Larkin, he seemed to form deep friendships. Robert Conquest was a longtime friend and collaborator. The poet Cecil Day-Lewis convalesced and passed at the house Amis shared with Elizabeth Jane Howard. He pops up in other writers’ lives in situations you’d assume reserved for intimate acquaintances.

C.S. Lewis hosted and recorded a symposium of three in his rooms at either Oxford or Cambridge on the subject of science fiction, or “scientifiction” as Lewis called it. Amis was one of the two invitees to a convivial conversation; banter that indicates familiarity. He’s an interesting figure consistently among interesting company.

He writes with wit. You’ll see what I mean in the poem below, one of my favorites of his, “Against Romanticism.”

In the 1950s he, along with a handful of poets including Larkin, Conquest, Elizabeth Jennings, and Thom Gunn, formed a movement in to counter what they saw as the excessive experimentation of the early twentieth century by the likes of Ezra Pound. It was Dylan Thomas, though, that they held out as their bete noire. According to David Lodge, in Working with Structuralism: Essays and Reviews on Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Literature, “Dylan Thomas was made to stand for everything they detested: verbal obscurity, metaphysical pretentiousness, and romantic rhapsodizing.” In keeping with their opposition to ostentation, they called their movement The Movement and “Against Romanticism” was their declaration of intent.

It’s a call for celebrating things as they are; a frustration with what they saw as poetic inflation that devalued reality with over-the-top metaphor. 

Great bit of cultural observation at the Washington Examiner. Mark Judge says he recently saw the Barbie movie, and also had occasion to revisit the 1988 film The Fabulous Baker Boys. He was led to make a comparison about what they have to say about men and women:

From Susie Diamond to Barbie, there has been a massive shift in the culture. In the Baker Boys scene where Diamond gets the gig , it’s quite surprising to modern ears how self-assured she is. When the Baker Boys try to dismiss her because she is late, she ignores them and then slyly asks, “So, where’s the winner?” She then says she expected the place to be “more glamorous” and states that she “had an intuition” she would get the job. She sings, hits a home run, and changes the lives of the two small-time entertainers.

This is a strong, intelligent, street-smart, and wise female protagonist who is also not a Mary Sue, a character found in modern films (Rey in Star Wars) who does everything flawlessly and doesn’t need a man. As Diamond shows at the end of the film, she does, in fact, need a man. He is just going to have to work for her, something that Ken is willing to do for Barbie, all to no avail. This is why some male reviewers are calling Ken the “tragic hero” of Barbie.

As Barbie goes through her reeducation camp, the tone shifts to that of resentment — toward men, toward capitalism, toward anyone who criticizes any woman for any reason.

"Cultural Gatekeepers and Books" by John Wilson at First Things calls for an arbiter of good reading that takes on its tasks with "wit, energy and high spirits" - because that's sorely lacking at present.  

"The Quest for Pelts" by Greg Koabel at Quillette  is a look at the economic and geopolitical levels of significance of changes in the eastern Canadian fur trade in the 1500s and 1600s:

In the second half of the sixteenth century, two separate yet related developments took place in what would become eastern Canada. The first was a sudden explosion in exchange between European traders and Algonquin-speaking fur trappers on Canada’s Atlantic coast. French, English, and Basque visitors had long been doing a decent side business while pursuing their main purpose of fishing or whaling, exchanging iron tools or scrap metal for animal skins. However, the 1580s witnessed a significant increase in the scale of this trade. For the first time, ships were sailing across the Atlantic for the express purpose of procuring furs.

Meanwhile, for the Innu and Mi’kmaq living along the Atlantic coast, the period brought the beginning of a dramatic change in economic and social conditions. For decades, they too had seen the fur trade as a supplement to the seasonal exploitation of fish and game resources. But now a new economic model was becoming viable. And in many ways, it was more attractive than the old model.

Time that had previously been spent fishing, hunting caribou and other game, or crafting stone tools and pottery, was now better spent hunting the animals that Europeans were interested in, such as lynx, fox, marten, and, most of all, beaver. Those skins could be traded for food, metal tools, and copper kettles far in excess of what domestic production could manage. In microeconomic terms, they were leveraging the power of comparative advantage.

However, it was not all good news. The more dependent on European trade these peoples became, the more susceptible they were to abrupt swings in the European fur market, not to mention the political and military pressures that European powers were able to apply.

The second development took place a few hundred kilometers inland, up the St. Lawrence River that Jacques Cartier had explored (and named) a half century earlier. The main Indigenous players in this narrative were the same ones whom Cartier met at Stadacona and Hochelaga (modern Quebec City and Montreal, respectively). Or, more accurately, their children and grandchildren.

There’s no record of any European following Cartier up the river for about a generation after the failed French colonization attempts of the 1540s. So researchers have had to reconstruct the events that followed through a mixture of archaeology, historical hearsay, and guesswork. 

The upper St. Lawrence and Great Lakes region witnessed massive turmoil in the decades that followed Cartier’s visits—so much so that by the time the French visited the area again at the end of the sixteenth century, they found a political landscape that Cartier would have found unrecognizable.

One of the more important debates among historians is whether these two stories were related to one another. Did European demand for fur send shock waves through the economic and political networks of eastern Canada in the late sixteenth century? Or were the Iroquoian speakers of the Great Lakes/St. Lawrence region being affected by their own historical currents, which were only marginally affected by Europeans at this point.


Well, so much for my resolve to keep these recommendations brief.

The latest at Rob Henderson's Substack is a review of a 1951 book, The True Believer by Eric Hoffer. Hoffer's look is about mass movements, and Henderson sees some parallels between the ones Hoffer discusses and the present situation in post-America.

Graham McAleer's "Camus and the Crisis of the West" at Law & Liberty is kind of a review of a book published in 1954, Camus's The Rebel.

Matt Ridley's "Why Scientific Research Is in Crisis" at Spectator World examines the deterioration of the peer review standard to the point of its meaninglessness. 

Paterrico really lets loose at his Substack in a piece entitled "Fine, I'll Write About the Trump Indictment for Trying to Steal the Election."  A taste:

OK, enough general discussion and hypotheticals. Let’s get into the nitty gritty of Trump’s efforts to steal the election. Before we discuss what the actual plan was, I think it’s very, very important, right off the bat, to establish that Trump’s arguments about the election being stolen from him are utter, complete, and total horseshit, and he knew it. Everything I discuss in this post depends on this.

And I'll tell you right now I'm going to excerpt generously from this op-ed by Amotz Asa-el at the Jerusalem Post entitled "The US Needs a Trump-free Republican Party to Make America Sane Again": 

Surely, Trump’s political survival speaks volumes about America’s broader social crisis, but before that it calls to task the people these polls survey and the political home they share: the Republican Party that was Abraham Lincoln’s accelerator of racial justice, Dwight Eisenhower’s edifice of national stability, and Ronald Regan’s engine of economic revival and international sway.

Now this party, if it’s up to its primary voters, will install in the Oval Office a man whose very reappearance at the White House’s threshold will underscore their party’s vertigo, their country’s decline, and Western democracy’s potential demise.

DOUBTS OVER Trump’s presidential suitability were originally about a flamboyant businessman’s career change. Age 70 when he won the Republican nomination, Trump’s baggage raised questions about his political experience, diplomatic expertise, and intellectual gravitas.

This was on the professional side. On the moral side, there were esthetical problems – his profane language and impulsive temper – as well as behavioral scandals, like his flings with prostitutes.

Hovering above all this was a veneer of frivolity, arrogance, an utter disrespect for other people’s feelings and values, and a perversion of the patriotic ideal.

A case in point was Trump’s quip about the late John McCain. “I like people who weren’t captured,” said the draft dodger in reference to the combat pilot who survived Vietnamese captivity, into which he fell severely wounded after a missile hit his plane.

In Israel, such a statement can kill a political career. Too many people here know what war is, what enduring its horrors involves, and what evading its call says about the evader. There was a time when saluting patriots was what America’s Republicans were all about. That time ended when the Republican Party bargained its soul to Trump.


My latest at Precipice is entitled "Despair and Faith." 

 

 



 


 



Thursday, August 17, 2023

The post-American political landscape: bleaker by the minute

 Like most of you, I try to stay away from political hyperbole. I'm beyond tired of media carnival barkers who frame every election as the most important in American history.

But the next cycle looks to be unprecedented, and by that I don't mean that the stakes are higher than ever. Forget stakes. If you're invested in the outcome of any race - federal, state or local - because you see some kind of "one last chance" to ensure the survival of a recognizable American experiment, you're suffering from a grave illusion.

Abe Greenwald at Commentary expresses it with appropriate starkness:

what voters face isn’t really a 2020 do-over. That election pitted a hated loudmouth against a stale functionary. The choice was uninspiring but clear. We’re now looking at something worse—a cockeyed zombie reboot with both potential nominees profoundly degraded and on the verge of self-destruction. In 2020, Americans of good conscience could vote for either Trump or Biden on grounds that didn’t necessarily flirt with the dishonorable. That’s no longer true.

Democrats we know about. We see every day what they're imposing in Washington, Sacramento, Albany and Springfield: implementing policies that favor play-like energy forms over normal-people forms that are abundant and cheap, inserting DEI and ESG into every conceivable arena of government, education and commerce, and letting cities decay into cesspools in which such basic concepts as private property and human dignity are completely unknown.

But Republicans have elbowed aside anybody who's not a coward, nut, or sycophant:  

After Donald Trump was indicted for the fourth time, a handful of Georgia Republicans at the heart of the case issued a sharp political rebuke of the former president. Ex-lieutenant governor Geoff Duncan argued that Republican voters should assess the damage Trump has wrought and “hit the reset button.” Gov. Brian Kemp refuted Trump’s false election claims and said, “The future of our country is at stake in 2024 and that must be our focus.”

But they were lonely voices in their party. 

As Trump on Tuesday said he would be exonerated and planned to offer a more detailed rebuttal next week, some of his rivals in the Republican presidential primary echoed his attacks on the Fulton County prosecutor, even as they sidestepped the substance of the allegations facing him. “I think it’s an example of this criminalization of politics,” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis said. Only longer-shot hopefuls were directly critical of the former president. 

And top congressional GOP leaders such as House Speaker Kevin McCarthy of California and one of his lieutenants, Rep. Elise Stefanik of New York, rushed to defend Trump from what they portrayed as an unfair prosecution. “Americans see through this desperate sham,” said McCarthy on social media late Monday. 

The diverging responses were a testament to the deep and uneven divide within the GOP over the former president and his efforts to overturn the 2020 election. Much of the party has stuck by Trump, the runaway polling leader in the 2024 primary race, with many officials and politicians wary of crossing him and his enthusiastic base. As some of them try to occupy a middle ground, a smaller though vocal minority that is critical of the ex-president has persisted, forcing the party to grapple with enduring frictions over an issue many would rather not talk about in the lead-up to the next presidential election. 

“There’s only one position to take on what played out yesterday in the Fulton County courthouse, and that is, it’s disgusting,” said Duncan, one of the last witnesses to testify before the Fulton County grand jury, in a Tuesday interview. “To think that we are going to stand behind somebody that’s in that level of trouble — times four — is ridiculous,” added the former lieutenant governor, who was one of the state officials whom Trump contacted as he urged them to take steps that would reverse his Georgia loss. 

The operative term here is "uneven." The Brian Kemps, Brad Raffenspergers and Gabriel Sterlings are not shaping the party's future.

The might-as-well-be-official stance of the party is that the long knives are out for a perfectly normal and support-worthy standard bearer:

Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) on Wednesday railed against the recent indictments of former President Trump for his efforts to remain in power following the 2020 election, and accused prosecutors of being motivated by political bias.

“He’s being prosecuted in a way to make challenging an election a crime just for him,” Graham said in an interview on Fox News’s “Hannity.” “You can claim you were cheated if you’re a Democrat. If you claim you were cheated as a Republican, they’re going to try to put you in jail.”

Graham also repeated an argument Trump and his team have been making, claiming Trump cannot not get a fair trial in a district that did not support him in the 2020 election. He downplayed the significance of the charges and claimed Trump was being charged for “telling people to watch a network show about the election.”

We're getting the same dog vomit from House Republican leadership:

House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) and Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) flocked to former President Trump’s side in the wake of his latest indictment in Georgia over his efforts to overturn the 2020 election in the state. 

“Justice should be blind, but Biden has weaponized government against his leading political opponent to interfere in the 2024 election,” McCarthy wrote in a post on X, the platform formerly known as Twitter. “Now a radical DA [district attorney] in Georgia is following Biden’s lead by attacking President Trump and using it to fundraise her political career.”

Not that he has a chance to knock the Very Stable Genius out of his frontrunner status, but the number-two presidential candidate is also on this page:

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) called the indictment against former President Trump in Georgia an example of a “criminalization of politics.”

“I think it’s an example of this criminalization of politics,” DeSantis said while on a press call with New England media. “I don’t think this is something that’s good for the country.” 

A lot of observers are touting Virginia governor Glenn Youngkin as the emergency alternative in case Trump's already-grave legal troubles worsen. It's true that he has handled issues in his state deftly, drawing a contrast with DeSantis's pugnaciousness. Folks seem to like the results; he has a 57 percent approval rating.  

But the poor judgement he showed during the midterm election cycle ought to make us skittish:

Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin spent Wednesday sharing a stage with Arizona gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake.

Why it matters: Lake is a 2020 election denier who refuses to say if she will accept the results in her own race if she loses.

  • And Youngkin is one of a handful of potential GOP presidential hopefuls to personally distance themselves from Trump's lies about the election while actively campaigning for candidates who promote them.

What they're saying: At their first campaign stop together, Youngkin called Lake "awesome," praised Arizona's rejection of daylight saving time and called Democrats "agents of chaos" who ruin everything they touch.

Meanwhile, Lake praised Youngkin as "a total rockstar."

🤨 When an attendee shouted, "Youngkin-Lake in '24" from the back of the room, Youngkin paused, raised an eyebrow, then pointed back at Lake and said, "That's your call," per NBC News correspondent Vaughn Hillyard.

And what he had to say about why he did it speaks volumes:

Ahead of the trip, Youngkin framed his support for Lake as a matter of supporting his party.

  • "I am comfortable supporting Republican candidates," Youngkin said during an interview in Austin late last month. "And we don't agree on everything. I mean, I have said that I firmly believe that Joe Biden was elected president."

Zoom out: Youngkin's approach puts him on similar footing as Mike Pence and Nikki Haley, who have also rejected Trump's election claims but are now campaigning for candidates who promote them.

Every stinking Republican with any influence is on board with the we-gotta-drag-our-brand-across-the-finish-line mentality. 

There is no hope for either of our political parties. 

Yes, the United States is a geographically vast and demographically diverse country, and its two-party system has worked to sift the various figures, movements and ideological novelties that arise down to two candidates for various offices that most people find palatable. But that arrangement is broken now. There's no one running for anything who deserves a modicum of our respect. 

A dismal state of affairs, but we didn't get here overnight.